In 1955 few could argue that Malaya was 'not yet ready' for independence. One of the first public functions of the new chief minister, with six of his colleagues, was to represent the government at the diamond jubilee of Sultan Ibrahim of Johore. When Ibrahim succeeded his father in 1895, the Malay States had not yet entirely submitted to British rule. He had inherited from his father a vigorous, reforming monarchy, and in accepting British 'protection', he still retained many of his privileges and even his own armed forces. The sultan had spent little time in Malaya since the war, having been mostly away in Europe . He had returned briefly in 1951 only to complain of the 'most damnable' noise of RAF flights over his palace, and had requested them to avoid his capital altogether; it reminded him too much of 1941. Less than six weeks after his return he set sail again for England. (The Times, London, 3 October 1951).

But in 1955 he was met with a splendid gathering; the crowds that streamed across the causeway from Singapore were so immense that traffic could not cross. The sultan gave a speech in his trademark mixture of English and Malay. He spoke in forthright tones, striking the floor with the end of his sword as he did so. 'I don't like it at all,' he said. 'My head is disturbed. I say if I remain here, I shall probably go mad - thinking of my people.' He continued: It is easy to say I want independence. I want to be happy. I can buy slaves. I myself do not buy slaves. But I know there are people who buy human beings. It is not that we do not want to ask for Merdeka. We too, do not want to ask for Merdeka? We ask for it - Then we ask for independence. But what? Why do we want independence? Where are our warships? Where is our army? Where are our planes which can repel an invading army? ('HH the Sultan of Johore's speech', in MacGillivray to Lennox-Boyd, 19 September 1955, COI030/374, TNA).

In Singapore a coalition led by the Labour Front of David Marshall achieved a similar status. On arriving to begin work, both of the new chief ministers found that the British had not seen fit to provide them with offices. Marshall - who horrified the governor of Singapore with his trademark open-necked bush jacket and the bare feet and sandals of some of his ministers - only prevailed when he threatened to set up shop 'under the old apple tree' outside the government offices in Empress Place. It was here that he introduced his ministers to the people. (Chan Heng Chee, A sensation of independence: a political biography of David Marshall, Singapore, 1984, pp. 93-4).

But however constrained the new regimes were, across the Thai border the MCP leadership realized that they placed in jeopardy the legitimacy of their claims to fight for the nation. Through intermediaries, Secretary general of the Malayan Communist Party Chin Peng (Communist liaison officer with Force 136 in Perak), sued for peace. Initially the Chinese for 'Force 136', were recruited  from Kuomintang circles; in Chiang Kai Shek's capital, Chungking. They were, by definition, staunch enemies of the communists, but on landing in Malaya the Malayan Communist sent some of its most committed cadres to join them. The communist leadership was represented by , a man the British called 'the Plen', and who signed the agreement as 'Chang Hong'. During a meeting, in mid April 1945, it seems that British officers of 'Force 136' promised that, in return for support, the Malayan Communist Party would be able to operate legally as a political party after the war. The Malayan Communist Party, was under the leadership of a man known as 'Mr Wright' alias 'Chang Hong' who led the April 1945 negotiations. This was later disavowed, but most communists assumed that the concession had been won, and so too did many British officials.

The fighting units drew back, and with a small bodyguard Chin Peng, the Malay leader Rashid Maidin and another veteran of the wartime resistance, Chen Tian, were met at the jungle fringe by an old Force 136 comrade, John Davis. On 28-29 December 1955 a meeting took place in the frontier town of Baling , in a schoolhouse commandeered for the purpose. It was a condition of the gathering that Chin Peng , on whom the British had already placed a $250,000 reward, would not be allowed to speak to the press. A young Malay correspondent of Utusan Melayu, Said Zahari, was a witness: 'In the midst of the dashing lights of photographers' cameras, I saw apprehensive looks on the faces of the communist leaders. Chin Peng and Rashid Maidin looked straight and stiff, while Chen Tian turned rapidly to the left and to the right as if to avoid the cameras.' (Said Zahari, Dark clouds at dawn, Kuala Lumpur, 2001, p. 285.).

 

 

 

 

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