With protesters who
have created an “Autonomous Zone” in the center of Seattle, A&E announcing
today that itis stopping production of "Live PD", various mayors in
the US that ban chokehold, Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti who said today that
the United States past few days have been traumatic. Also, black scientists and
students are sharing their experiences many who will be participated in a June 10th strike meant to shut down STEM
industries in support of the Black Lives Matter movement.
Not to mention that
after protesters toppled a statue of the British slave trader Edward Colston in
Bristol, England, dozens of English cities are considering taking down
monuments commemorating controversial figures. The statue of the Belgian King
Leopold II in Antwerp has already been removed because of his brutal colonial
rule in the Congo. Granted many commentators believe this is not the right
approach to dealing with history. In fact, a better place for these statues
that instead of throwing them in a river a more proper place would be a museum
what are left with however is that George Floyd was not famous. He was killed
not in the capital of the United States, but on a street corner in its
46th-largest city. Yet in death, he has suddenly become the keystone of a
worldwide movement. He has inspired protests abroad, from Brazil to Indonesia,
and France to Australia. His legacy is the rich promise of social reform. It is
too precious to waste.
The focus is rightly
on America. The protests there, in big cities and tiny towns far from the
coasts, maybe the most widespread in the country’s long history of marching.
After an outburst of rage following Floyd’s death, the demonstrations have, as
we hoped last week, been overwhelmingly peaceful. They have drawn in ordinary
Americans of all races. That has confounded those who, like President Donald
Trump, though they could be exploited to forge an electoral strategy based on
the threat of anarchy. What began as a protest against police violence against
African-Americans has led to an examination of racism in all its forms.
The marches outside
America are harder to define. In Mexico and South Africa, the target is mainly
police violence. In Brazil, where three-quarters of the 6,220 people killed by
police in 2018 were black, the race is a factor too. Australians are talking
about the treatment of aboriginals. Some Europeans, used to condemning America
over race, are realizing that they have a problem closer to home.
It is hard to know
why the spark caught today and not before. Nobody marched in Paris in 2014
after Eric
Garner was filmed being choked to death by officers on Staten Island—then
again, hardly anyone marched in New York, either. Perhaps the sheer ubiquity of
social media means that enough people have this time been confronted with the
evidence of their own eyes. The pandemic has surely played a part, by cooping
people up and creating a shared experience, even as it has nonetheless singled
out racial minorities for infection and hardship.
The scale of the
protests has something to do with Trump, too. When Garner was killed, America
had a president who could bring together the nation at moments of racial
tension, and a Justice Department that baby-sat recalcitrant police
departments. Today they have a man who sets out to sow division.
But most
fundamentally the protest reflects a rising rejection of racism itself. Most
people in the US say police
more likely to use excessive force on black individuals. Inspired by German
legislation that came into force in 2018, Laetitia Avia, a black French MP
hopes the new law will form the foundation of a wider European
push to tackle racism, anti-Semitism, sexism, and homophobia peddled by
usually anonymous users of social media. The vast majority of Britons
agree that racism remains a problem in the UK.
America is both a
country and an idea. When the two do not match, non-Americans notice more than
when an injustice is perpetrated in, say, Mexico or Russia. And wrapped up in
that idea of America is a conviction that progress is possible.
It is already
happening, in three ways. It starts with policing, where some states and cities
have already banned chokeholds and where Democratic politicians seem ready to
take on the police unions. On June 8th Democrats in the House of
Representatives put forward a bill that would, among other things, make it
easier to prosecute police and limit the transfer of armor and weapons from the
Pentagon to police departments. Congressional Republicans, who might have been
expected to back the police, are working on a reform of their own. Although the
general call for “defunding” risks a backlash, the details of redirecting part
of the police budget to arms of local government, such as housing or mental
health, may make sense.
There is also a
recognition that broader change is needed from the local and federal
governments. The median household net wealth of African-Americans is $18,000, a
tenth of the wealth of white Americans. The ratio has not changed since 1990.
An important cause of this is that many African-Americans are stuck in the
racially monolithic neighborhoods where their grandparents were allowed to
settle at a safe distance from whites. Houses in these places are very cheap.
This separation helps
explain why inequality endures in schooling, policing, and health. The
government has a role in reducing it. Federal spending worth $22.6bn already
goes on housing vouchers. Schemes to give poor Americans a choice over where
they live have Republican and Democratic backing in Congress. With better
schools and less crime, segregated districts become gentrified, leaving them
more racially mixed.
Business is waking up
to the fact that it has a part, too, and not just in America. The place where
people mix most is at work. However, just four Fortune 500 firms have black
chief executives and only 3% of senior American managers are black. No wonder anxious
ceos have been queuing up to pledge that they will do
better.
Firms have an
incentive to change. Research suggests that racial diversity is linked to
higher profit margins and that the effect is growing, though it is hard to be
certain which comes first, diversity or performance. It has also become clear
that a vocal share of employees and customers will shun companies that do not
deal with racism. Platitudinous mission statements are unlikely to provide much
protection. A first step is to monitor diversity at all levels of recruitment
and promotion, as did Goldman Sachs and Intel, hardly known for being
sentimental.
Large-scale social
change is hard. Protest movements have a habit of antagonizing the moderate
supporters they need to succeed. Countries, where the impulse for change is not
harnessed to specific reforms, will find that it dissipates. Yet anyone who thinks
racism is too difficult to tackle might recall that just six years before
George Floyd was born, interracial marriage was still illegal in 16 American
states. Today about 90% of Americans support it. When enough citizens march
against injustice, they can prevail. That is the power of protest.
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