By Eric Vandenbroeck and
co-workers
The French Revolution And Napoleon
The Knights of Malta were
initially formed during the Crusades to aid Christian pilgrims visiting the
Holy Land. Named after St. John the Baptist, the ‘warrior monks’ took vows of
poverty, chastity, and obedience. Driven out of the Holy Land in the 1290s, the
Knights regrouped on Cyprus and then Rhodes before finally relocating to Malta,
where their headquarters dominated Malta’s famed port city of Valetta.
When the French Revolution broke out in
July 1789, it was immediately apparent that the Order of Malta would be one of
its victims. In August, the National Assembly abolished the tithes and feudal
rights that formed a significant part of the Order's income. In June 1791,
Louis XVI attempted (with the aid of a large loan made to him by the Order's
Receiver in Paris) to escape from France. When this resulted in his capture at
Varennes and return to Paris in the hands of a revolutionary mob, it was the
end of effective monarchism in France; and the sixty-six-year-old Grand Master
Rohan, on hearing the news, suffered a stroke that left him an invalid for the
rest of his life. In October 1792, the government of France, by now declared a
republic, confiscated the Order's entire property in the country. As the
revolutionary armies swept over Europe, the same confiscation was imposed in
the Austrian Netherlands, Germany west of the Rhine, and northern and central
Italy.
By late 1796 these seizures had deprived Malta of half
the income it drew from its European properties, and the knights in the lands
affected were left penniless. But suddenly, a savior appeared in an unexpected
quarter. On the death of Catherine the Great, the Russian throne was inherited
by Paul I, a ruler whose strange enthusiasms included a passionate admiration
for the Order of Malta. He summoned the dashing Giulio Litta to his side, who
had distinguished himself in the Russian Navy six years before and began
to show lavish tokens of his favor. The recently founded Grand Priory of Poland
had passed under Russian sovereignty with the Second Partition of Poland, and
Paul proceeded to pay off its significant arrears at a stroke and to increase
its responsions to 53,000 florins, thus making it a sizable contributor to the
Order's desperately reduced revenues.
Giulio Litta
Besides striking a worse material blow
at the Order than it had suffered even at the Reformation, the losses inflicted
by the French limited the candidates for the succession to the Grand Magistry, which was imminent. It would have been difficult
to elect a head from the parts of Europe where the Order's institutional
existence had been destroyed. Moreover, the new ruler needed to bring some
political protection against the ever-widening conquests of revolutionary
France. The Order could hardly elect a Grand Master from Spain, whose king had
allied with the nation that had murdered the head of his family. The patron
choices were narrowed down to Naples and the German Empire, and the protection
of Naples was more to be feared than welcomed. That is why by 1797, it was
considered certain that a German Grand Master would succeed Rohan.
This implied a very limited choice indeed. Owing
partly to the small size of the Langue, no German had ever been elected Grand
Master of the Order. From 1791, when Rohan suffered his stroke, an observer in
Malta would have seen a choice of just two German Grand Crosses resident on the
island:
Franz von Schönau,
the Pilier of the Langue, and Ferdinand
von Hompesch, the imperial ambassador. Then,
seven months before Rohan's death, Schönau left
for his own country, and Hompesch succeeded
him as Pilier, becoming the only candidate
available. This was a fatal predicament. Hompesch was
simply a minor diplomat, weak in character, and a man whose career had shown a
consistent subservience to his sovereign to the detriment of the interests of
the Order. When Rohan died in July 1797, the Order thus found its choice
restricted to the worst superior it could have elected.
Von Hompesch
The conquests of the French revolutionaries made their
annexationist aims very obvious. Just before the election of Hompesch, France had conquered the Republic of Venice and
its possessions of the Ionian Islands, thus placing itself within striking
distance of Malta. Yet in the eleven months of his reign, Hompesch devoted himself to cultivating his popularity
at home without attempting to prepare his island against attack. Schönau, representative of the Order at the Congress
of Rastadt in 1798, warned him unequivocally
that the French intended to seize Malta and urged him to take precautions, but
the Grand Master preferred to pay no heed. This inactivity, coming after the
six years of enfeebled government during Rohan's illness, was fatal to the
morale of the island. The Directory had commissioned General Bonaparte to lead
an expedition to Egypt and seize Malta to give France a naval base in the
central Mediterranean. Nelson was cruising off Toulon to stop any such
departure, but Bonaparte gave him the slip, and on 6 June 1798, he appeared off
Malta with a fleet of between 500 and 600 vessels carrying an army of 29,000
men. When he demanded the right to enter the Grand Harbour to
take on water, the Order's Council applied the long-standing rule designed to
protect Malta's neutrality: only four ships should be admitted at a time.
Bonaparte rejected the condition and began his attack on 10 June.
The Fall of Malta
Two often-repeated mistakes about the
fall of Malta should be corrected. The first is that the knights could not
resist the French because their vocation forbade war against Christian nations.
That plea was only advanced by the French knight Bosredon-Ransijat,
who was openly a partisan of the republican regime, and he was promptly clapped
in prison for it. Apart from the consideration that the Republic's
anti-religious frenzy put it in a different category even from the Protestant
countries, whom the Order had always respected, the duty of neutrality towards
Christians had never been thought to exclude the right of self-defense.
The second mistake is that the defense
of Malta was undermined by the secret leaning of the French knights to their
own country. Again, this explanation is given color only by the defection
of Bosredon. In the previous months, an agent of
the Republic, Etienne Poussielgue, had been busy
in Malta, and he arrived at a very exact estimate of the number of French
knights who had any sympathy with the Revolution: fifteen, of whom only three
had what he called the energy to work actively for France. His estimate was
confirmed when Bonaparte, after conquering Malta, ordered all the knights out
of the island, including his compatriots, exempting only three on the grounds
of their assistance to the French cause. The remainder of the 200 French
knights who had taken refuge in Malta were identified by Poussielgue as irreconcilable royalists and as the
most resolute element in the defense. His judgment, which is obvious enough, is
confirmed by the details of the siege when nearly all the chief commands were
held by French knights, the only exception being the future Grand
Master Tommasi. The accusation against the French has obscured the real
complicity of the Spanish in the defeat of Malta. Their country was in alliance
with France, and their ambassadors ordered the Spanish knights to remain in
their Auberges and take no part in the fighting. Nevertheless, as there were
only twenty-five Spanish knights in Malta, this abstention had little influence
on the outcome.
The loss of Malta was one of the most
ignominious military surrenders in history and one of the most unnecessary. It
required no heroic feat of arms 1798 to defend Malta against the French; the
most cautious and defensive strategy would have done it. Against such an
overwhelming enemy, it was hopeless to resist a general landing; yet Valletta
itself was impregnable. The French would have faced a siege of many months, and
such a course was not open to them. Nelson alerted to Bonaparte's escape from
Toulon, was in hot pursuit and arrived off Syracuse on 22 June, only twelve
days after the attack on Malta began. The general had orders to abandon Malta
if its resistance threatened the Egyptian expedition. But a strategy of sitting
tight behind the walls of Valletta required a minimum of military sense and
steady nerves. Hompesch possessed neither, and
the fall of Malta became history.
Hompesch, seeking the protection of his Emperor, landed on 25
July at Trieste, where he set up the Order's Convent with the seventeen
professed brethren who remained faithful to him. But among the knights, the
news of his incredible betrayal was greeted with fury. One should bear in mind
that the statutes of the Order decreed the automatic loss of the habit for any
knight who surrendered a stronghold to the enemy.
The Russian coup d'état
On 26 August (Russian calendar) and 6
September (Westen calendar), the members of the Grand Priory of Russia
published a manifesto declaring that they regarded Hompesch as
deposed and invoking the protection of Czar Paul I proclaimed that he
took the Order under his "supreme direction," and the Grand Priory of
Germany adhered to these decisions; Hompesch's compatriots
wanted to lose no time in disavowing him.
These moves were the product of the
eccentric zeal of Czar Paul, exploited by the Order's envoy. Giulio Litta,
after his naval service in the Russo-Swedish War, returned to Russia in 1794
and acquired a favorite status with the new ruler. His doing was transforming
the Priory of Poland into the richly endowed Russian Priory. When in
recognition, Hompesch declared the Czar
Protector of the Order in August 1797, Litta was appointed ambassador
extraordinary to invest him with the title. It was obvious policy to make the
most of this welcome accession to the Order's support, and the character of the
new Grand Master showed how much the Order needed a strong prop in Europe.
Still, Litta used personal ambition to take his favor in a dangerous
direction. In November 1797, he made a speech declaring that the Order of Malta
wished the Czar to put himself at its head. In the months before the fall of
Malta, he was assiduously pressing Hompesch to
send the Emperor the most precious relics and to invest the largest possible
number of Russian noblemen with the cross of the Order. He encouraged Paul in
his plan to supplement the enlarged Russian Priory with a new one designed to
receive the Orthodox nobility of the empire, a body difficult to include in a
religious order of the Catholic Church. The nominal re-admission of the Grand
Bailiwick of Brandenburg a generation earlier provided a precedent for this
oddity. Hompesch approved the foundation on
the eve of Bonaparte's appearance off Malta, although the French attack prevented
the bull from being despatched to Russia.
In these irregularities,
Giulio Litta was seconded by his brother, Archbishop
Lorenzo Litta, who was in Russia as a papal nuncio. In that capacity,
Monsignor Litta represented a power as much in jeopardy from the
Revolution as the Order of Malta. The French armies had entered Rome, and by
1798 the aged Pius VI was an exile, first at the Charterhouse of Florence and
then in France, where he died. The nuncio, looking at potential saviors with
not too critical an eye, gave his full support to the abuses that followed.
The finishing touch to the Czar's assumption of power
was given when on 27 October (Russia) and 7 November (Western), he arranged
what he called his election as Grand Master. This was an acclamation made in St
Petersburg by a few knights (thought to have been between seventeen and
twenty-six), most of whom were Russian subjects, including
Giulio Litta and two French emigres. There is no need to labor the
illegality of the act. A single Grand Priory, even with three supernumeraries
from outside, had no power to elect a Grand Master, and, as all writers have
pointed out, the Czar was triply disqualified from the office as being not
professed, not celibate, and not a Catholic. But on 29 November / 10 December,
he was enthroned as Grand Master by the papal nuncio himself.
Giulio Litta, renouncing his vows with indecent haste, had already been
rewarded with the hand of a rich Russian princess, a niece of Potemkin, and he
was appointed Lieutenant of the Order, while his brother was made Grand
Almoner.
It remained to secure European
recognition. Louis XVIII of France (he had assumed the title on the death of
the child Louis XVII in the Temple) was an exile in Russia, and in January 1799
he authorized the French knights to recognize Paul. The Prince de Conde, head
of a cadet line of the Bourbons, was commander of the French emigre army, which
was now in the Russian service; he had been made Grand Prior of the Russian
Catholic Priory in November 1797 and was in no position to oppose his patron.
Louis' nephew, the Due d' Angouleme, who as a boy had held the Grand Priory of
France, tried to evade the question when it was put to him, and replied that
his forthcoming marriage excluded him from the Order, but he did not avoid
enraging the Czar, who had to be appeased by the Bourbon king with the grant of
the Saint-Esprit.
The Elector Charles Theodore of Bavaria,
whose Priory was his own foundation, was reluctant to recognize Paul, but he
died in February 1799, and Bavaria was inherited by a distant line of the
family hostile to every aspect of his rule. The new Elector determined to
abolish the Bavarian Priory, but a threat of Russian military invasion called
him to heel. The Kings of Naples and Portugal also gave their consent. The
German Emperor, as the ally of Russia, had little option but to follow suit,
and put pressure on Hompesch to abdicate
from the shadowy rule he maintained in Trieste. The great exception was Spain,
which was still in alliance with France, but here the question was whether the
Priories were to remain attached to the Order at all. After the fall of Malta,
King Charles IV had wasted little time in beginning the process of assimilating
the Order of Malta to those of Spain as a national order under royal rule. On 4
September 1798, he published a decree forbidding his subjects to have dealings
with the exiled Convent in Trieste, and there was no chance of his recognizing
the self-appointed one in Russia. The Spanish ambassador absented himself from
Czar Paul's coronation as Grand Master - and was promptly ordered out of the
country.
The ruler whose view was of most legal
relevance was the Pope. Despite the dire captivity to which he was reduced,
Pius VI could not bring himself to recognize a schismatic as head of a Catholic
religious order. He temporized, and when he finally wrote to
Monsignor Litta on 11 March 1799 disapproving of the election, he
authorized him to delay communicating the decision to the Czar. But an
indiscretion brought the letter to Paul's ears, and his response was immediate.
The Bali Litta was dismissed as Lieutenant (his place in the imperial
favor had already raised against him a cabal of Russian magnates, led by
Count Fedor Rostopchin) and his brother the
nuncio was told to leave St Petersburg.
By this time the Czar had founded the
projected Orthodox Priory of Russia, with ninety-eight commanderies and a
revenue of 216,000 roubles, and with his eldest
son, the Czarevich Alexander, as its Grand
Prior. Paul entrusted special squadrons of the Baltic and the Black Sea fleets
to the Knights of Malta. He also added ten commanderies to the Catholic Priory,
which by 1799 included a hundred French emigres among its knights.
Next to Litta,
the guiding hand in these developments was Joseph de Maisonneuve, an ambitious
knight who had been active since the 1780s in the plans for the Grand Priory of
Poland. Appointed the Order's Master of Ceremonies in Russia, he quickly published
an outspoken account of the recent events, reflecting the bitter anger of the
French knights at the way the Order's honor had been betrayed by Hompesch, and their hopes of vindication under the Czar.1
Outside Russia, a
leading figure in the Order's affairs was Johann Baptist von Flachslanden.2
Originally a member of the Priory of Germany, he had played an important role
in the foundation of the Bavarian Priory and the Anglo-Bavarian Langue, to
which he transferred his membership, and he was rewarded with the Bailiwick
of Neuburg and the office of Turcopolier. As an Alsatian, and
therefore a French subject, he was elected to the Estates General (a general
assembly representing the French estates of the realm) of 1789. In July 1799 he
represented the usurping Grand Master in the agreement made with the Elector
Maximilian Joseph of Bavaria, and in November he headed a Bavarian deputation
to Russia which presented the homage of its Grand Priory. As Turcopolier in
1799, he was one of the only two legitimate Piliers of
the Order who remained in office under Paul I. The other was the Bailli
de Ferrette (Baron von Pfordt-Blumberg),
who was also Alsatian. He had succeeded Hompesch in
1797 as Pilier of the German Langue, and
was to be important in the Order's affairs as a diplomat until his death in
1831. He continued under Paull as Grand Bailiff, while all the other great
offices were assigned to Russian subjects appointed by Paul. However, by 1801
both Flachslanden and Ferrette had
been dropped, and the Russian governing council did not contain a single
professed Knight of Malta.
But while Tsar Paul I’s appointment was to be
contested by Pope Pius VII and numerous Priories of the Order, as has been
seen, recognition or non-recognition of the Czar was a decision of the various
rulers; most of the knights could do little but obey their sovereigns' wishes.
In Italy, the Bali Trotti refused to accept Paul l and was
immediately deprived of his commandery 3, but there were not many who saw their
duty so clearly. If we ask why professed Knights of St John should have been
prepared to accept Czar Paul as their head, we should seek the reason in the
prompt remedy it offered for the loss of Malta. Within seven weeks of the
island's surrender, Nelson had destroyed Bonaparte's Egyptian expedition at the
Battle of the Nile. In September the Maltese rose against the French occupying
forces, whom they held besieged for two years in Valletta, with rather feeble
support from the British Navy, until their final capitulation in September
1800. The official British policy during this period was to give back Malta to
the Czar, as Grand Master of the Order. Such an outcome offered a means - and
the only means - whereby the Order could have quickly wiped out the stain
of Hompesch's surrender, and it is
understandable if the knights thought that accepting a schismatic as Grand
Master was not too high a price to pay for it. That must have been the feeling
of the many French knights who placed themselves under the rule of Paul I. In
December 1798 the Czar ordered a Russian fleet through the Dardanelles, and
during the next twenty months it would have been possible for this force to
sail to Malta, clinch the siege and claim the island for the Czar. It is one of
the oddities of Paul's policy that it never did so. The fleet's first
objective, sensibly enough, was the Ionian Islands, which were recaptured from
the French. By September 1799 the fleet had arrived in Sicily, and Nelson even
offered to transport its sailors and marines to Malta, after its ships were
pronounced unseaworthy for the journey. The Neapolitan government, however,
contrived to keep it in Palermo. In January 1800 it returned to Corfu, as the
Czar's policy changed towards a rapprochement with republican France, and it
withdrew from the Mediterranean later in the year.
For several months after the Russian
coup d'etat, the Grand Master Hompesch refused
to accept his demotion. He had formally reconstituted the Convent in Trieste on
27 September 1798, and he appointed a Sacred Council, which issued instructions
to the few who were willing to receive them. However, with his own sovereign
supporting the usurpation, his position became untenable. At the Emperor's
insistence, he signed an act of abdication on 6 July 1799; a few days later he
left Trieste, abandoned by all, and took up residence in the chateau of Portschach in Carniola, a property of the Bishop
of Laibach. The Convent of the The Knights
of Malta Order was dissolved, not to be reconstituted till four years later in
Messina. To be canonically valid, the Grand Master's abdication needed papal
acceptance, but Pius VI, in captivity in France, died the following month, and
the papacy remained vacant until the election of Pius VII in March 1800. Thus
even the knights of the Grand Priory of Rome, with no direction of their own
ruler to guide them, had no government to look to but that of Paul I.
During all this time, the long siege of
the French garrison in Valletta was continuing.
Many of the Maltese would have welcomed
the return of Hompesch, whose popularity in the
island was the only achievement of his Grand Magistry.
If he had had a spark of enterprise, he might have trumped Paul I's card at any
time from September 1798 by returning to Malta and putting himself at the head
of the national revolt, with as many of the knights as were prepared to support
him. But he proved himself as spineless in recovering his throne as he had in
preserving it. He sent an emissary to Malta in June 1799, not to range himself
with the resistance but to parley for retrocession with the French garrison,
whose position by then was doomed. When Valletta finally fell in September
1800, the Czar claimed Malta from the British; but his flirtation with Bonaparte,
who had seized power in France as First Consul, was beginning to sow seeds of
suspicion in the mind of the government of London, and it made no reply. Paul
responded by forming the League of Armed Neutrality and planning to recover
Malta through alliance with the French.
The Czar's eccentricities were raising
alarm among his closest servants. His infatuation with the Order of Malta led
him to shower its cross on all who took his fancy, including his mistress,
Madame Lapoukhine. When she fell from favour, the Czar used to call nightly on her successor,
Madame Chevalier, attired in the Grand Master's habit which he had designed for
himself. By the early months of 1801 Paul was leading a life of fearful
isolation in his moated palace of Mikhailow,
while his ministers plotted to assassinate him, in collusion, it was thought,
with the Czarevich himself. His Prime
Minister, Count Peter von der Pahlen, who had
been made Grand Chancellor of the Order of Malta, was at the head of the
conspirators. On 12 / 23 March 1801 the Czar was strangled by a group of his
courtiers, among whom were four of his own Knights of Malta.
The young Alexander I, as he took the
throne in these macabre circumstances, had no part in his father's mania for
the Order of Malta, and he resolved to divest himself of its government. The
distinguished soldier Marshal Soltykoff had
been appointed Lieutenant by Paul on the dismissal of Litta, and he was
continued in office for the moment, but the new Czar's policy was to restore
the Order to its constitutional norms. In its shattered state, it would be
impossible to elect a Grand Master in a statutory way; so Alexander proposed,
with notable disinterest, that the Pope should appoint one from candidates
nominated by the Priories of the Order that still remained. This remedy,
however, was delayed by the continuing war in Europe and in particular by
uncertainty over the fate of Malta, now in British hands. In March 1802 peace
was restored by the Treaty of Amiens, which provided for the return of Malta to
the Order of St. John. So as to avoid control by either of the main
belligerents, the treaty stipulated that French and British subjects should be
excluded from the Order. As a result, the Anglo-Bavarian Langue was renamed the
Bavaro-Russian, although in practice the only knights of British blood in the
Order were a few individuals who had joined the French Lanques.
The three French Langues were, to be deemed
abolished. As the Order of Malta was not a signatory to the Treaty of Amiens
(which in any case never took effect), it was not bound by a clause that
changed its constitution, and the exclusion of the French Langues was to be recognised as
obsolete even before the Treaty of Paris in 1814, which superseded that of
Amiens.
In any case, the provisions for the election
of a Grand Master were sabotaged by the two rulers with the most influence in
the matter. In January 1802, even before the Treaty of Amiens was Signed, the
King of Spain made definitive the separation of his four Priories and declared
them a national Spanish order. Thus, with the exclusion of the French, only
eleven Priories were left to give their votes for a Grand Master: Venice, Rome,
Capua, Barletta, Messina, Germany, Bohemia, Bavaria, the two Russias, and Portugal. Next, Bonaparte intervened in the
choice: the Bailli Flachslanden, who had been
nominated by Bavaria and the two Russian Priories, was vetoed outright, as an
active Royalist. Having described the plans for Malta as "a romance that
could not be executed", Bonaparte urged Bavaria to a second attempt at
abolishing its Grand Priory, though Russian protection proved strong enough to
save it for the moment. In August Bonaparte sought to limit the Pope further by
excluding a Neapolitan subject and urging the choice of a Roman, a northern Italian
or the innocuous Bavarian knight Tauffkirchen.
In the meantime, Hompesch had been aroused from the state of apathy
into which he had fallen after his abdication. In late 1800 he moved from
Austria to the Papal States, where he lived for the next four years. The death
of Paul I encouraged him to revive his claims; he asserted that his abdication
had been dictated to him by Austria and that it had merely been a proposal of
abdication. Britain, however, was not prepared to give Malta back to the
knights under Hompesch, and Bonaparte also
rejected him so as not to imperil the session.
The new Pope, Pius VII, although he had
been elected in Venice during the French occupation of Rome, was now back in
his capital and trying to reach a modus vivendi with the post-revolutionary
system of Europe. His choices with regard to the Order of Malta were limited.
He could have declared that Hompesch's abdication
had never been accepted and that he was therefore still Grand Master, but in
the circumstances, that option was not considered. The Pope tried to recover
the Order provisionally for Catholic control by naming a Lieutenant in the
person of the Bali Giuseppe Caracciolo, who by Paul I's appointment was
serving as the Order's ambassador to the Court of Naples; but as Soltykoff refused to hand over authority to him the
nomination remained without effect. The Priory of Rome had so far abstained
from electing a candidate for the Grand Magistry so
as to leave the Pope's choice untrammeled. Finally, in August 1802, the Pope
resolved to appoint Prince Bartolomeo Ruspoli (1754-1836),
a member of a great Roman family, who for form's sake was declared the
candidate of his Priory. He was chosen as being likely to secure Bonaparte's
approval, which was duly given. Pius VII, therefore, offered him the
Grand Magistry in a brief of 16 September,
which by alluding to Hompesch's abdication
constituted the first, though tacit, papal recognition of that act.
Ruspoli was a devout and cultivated but eccentric man,
who indulged a taste for incessant travel, He was currently thought to be in
London, whither the papal offer was sent; in fact, he proved to be making a
tour of Scotland and was not to be found; in mid-November Ruspoli had still not returned to the capital. By
early December he was considering the proposal without enthusiasm. His
response, setting difficult conditions, may have been aimed at securing the
explicit support of the Spanish Crown. He demanded that British and Sicilian
troops be withdrawn from Malta before his arrival as Grand Master, that the
Spanish Priories be reunited to the Order, and that Spain should pay its
arrears from the four years of separation. By 28 December the British government
had rejected Ruspoli's conditions with
regard to Malta, and he sent a reply to the Pope with his refusal to serve.
Not until February 1803 was the vacancy
in the Grand Magistry filled when the
Bali Tommasi accepted the office from the Pope, and Marshal Soltykoff, on hearing the news, finally handed over his
powers. He sent from St Petersburg the magistral regalia which had been created
by Paul I (they are now in the Magistral Palace in Rome, forming a memento of a
bizarre interlude in the Order's past).
The close of the Russian interlude
prompts an estimate of its significance in the history of the Order of St John.
One may begin with the legal aspect, which is not a matter of dispute. Paul I
was inherently incapable of being the superior of a religious order of the
Catholic Church, and his "election" in November 1798 was invalid in
itself. The legitimate head of the Order continued to be Hompesch until his abdication in July 1799, and
theoretically until the implicit papal acceptance of that act in September
1802. But in practice, there was no legitimate government of the Order from
July 1799 until February 1803, when Tommasi took charge. There was
also no legitimate Convent of the Order during that period, for the officials
appointed by Paul I were non-professed and nearly all non-Catholics.
We ought, however, to consider what
Paull's seizure of power meant in practical terms, and from that point of view,
we may judge that he saved the Order in the hardest predicament of its history.
One need only consider what would have happened if Hompesch had
continued as Grand Master. The Order would probably have fallen apart, with
many knights and whole Priories calling for his deposition. Certainly, there
would have been little chance of the British government, or anyone else,
wishing to see Malta returned to the knights under Hompesch's rule.
Paull's de facto Grand Mastership restored political credit to the Order at a
time of unprecedented disgrace; it is unlikely that Britain would have agreed
to restore Malta to the knights in 1802 but for the fact that it had previously
been envisaging returning it to Paul I; and the Czar's rule, illegitimate
though it was, effectively marshalled the whole Order under one government,
with the single exception of Spain, so that when Tommasi became Grand
Master in 1803 he took over a united Order, and not the chaos of conflicting
factions into which it would have descended if Hompesch had
not been promptly disposed of.
Nevertheless, after Paul I the position
of the Order in Russia is worth noting.
Its status as Paul I had left it was
undone by Alexander I in 1810 when he confiscated the general possessions of
the Catholic and Orthodox Priories, but the Order continued after a fashion. It
received a further blow from the death in 1816 of Marshal Soltykoff, who had been the only member of the Russian
nobility who retained a real interest in it. In 1817 Alexander decreed that the
family commanderies should become extinct on the deaths of their current
holders, and forbade the wearing of the Order's cross without imperial
permission. Thus the Priory indeed may be said to have become extinct at this
time, or at least at the death of its surviving commanders.
Yet the Bali Litta continued
to call himself President of the Catholic Priory and remained a well-known
figure at the Russian Court until his death in 1839. In 1820 he reported to the
Bali Miari that commanders' revenues were still being paid by the
State, the Order's churches were maintained, and the government held a capital
of more than 2 million roubles, which legally
belonged to the Order. Even more interesting are the documents which he sent
to Miari in 1818 relating to the unrealized plans to restore the
former Grand Priory of Poland, a dossier that reveals the Czar's active
interest in preserving the Knights of St John in his dominions.4 These letters
show that Russia was one of the countries where the Order would have had a good
chance of restoration if its leaders had been able to raise it from impotence
and obscurity.
1. Joseph de Maisonneuve, Annales
Historiques de l'Ordre Souverain de Saint Jean de Jerusalem (1799).
2. On Flachslanden see
Thomas Freller, The Anglo-Bavarian Langue of the Order of Malta (Malta,
2001). The author corrects Flachslanden's date
of death, which was previously given generally as 1822.
3. Archives of the Order of Malta in the
Magistral Palace in Rome, GM 108, Trotti to Busca,
19 December 1829.
4. Archives of the Order of Malta, GM
92, Litta to Miari, 31 January 1820, and GM 93, dossier of 27
March 1818 etc., accompanying Litta's letter to Miari, 7/19 May
1818.
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