Parallel to the so
called witch-hunts in Europe, there is also a history of Renaissance magic called “Natural
Magic” (by Marsilio Ficino) and “Occult Science” (by
Pico de la Mirandolla).
See Case Study Occult Science P.1:
The rhetorical
oppositions between theurgy, necromancy, and magic, or illicit and licit religious
practices, however were operative within Neoplatonism itself. For example
Porphyry accuses the theurgists of attempting to manipulate and entice the gods
with incantations and sacrificial vapours. Like the
Catholic Bishop, Augustine, Porphyry worries that the true objects of theurgic
rites may be daimons disguised as divinities. In his Letter to Anebo, Porphyry implies that theurgists are confused about
the nature of the gods, since they seem to hold that immaterial gods are
attracted by material sacrifices (Iamblichus, De Mysteriis,
211.19-212.3, ed. des Places). In On the Abstinence of Animal Food he goes
further: the true objects of blood sacrifices are daimons, disguised as
divinities.
How then can divine
theurgy be clearly and safely distinguished from daimonic
magic?
Iamblichus’s response
to Porphyry, though it sheds much light on the character of theurgy, works
largely within the same polemical categories: theurgy raises us to the gods,
whereas magic attempts to draw the gods to us; theurgy invokes the gods through
the appropriate, natural receptacles, whereas magic constructs artificial
receptacles, like idols, through which to contain and manipulate divine
powers). Iamblichus distinguishes sacred visions attained through theurgy from
the residual phantasms artificially produced through sorcery (apo tês goêteias technichôs,
De Mysteriis 160.15-18, ed. des Places). Likewise, he
distinguishes theurgy from the animation of statues, which is also effected
through magical artifice (technikôs 170.9).
Similar can be found
in the Chronographia of George Synkellos,
the 9th century Byzantine chronicler, who preserves a fragment from the
Hermetic philosopher, Zosimos of Panopolis
where he refers to ‘ancient and divine scriptures’ in the ancient Hebrew scriptures,
specifically the Book of Enoch. And as we have seen in our above Case
Study Occult Science P. 1, the charge of "magic" in fact was part of
a rhetorical strategy employed by Christians, Hellenes and Jews alike,
sometimes against one another and sometimes against rival factions or schools
within their own religious traditions. One important aspect of this polemical
use of the category "magic", evident also in the Book of Enoch, is
the notion that magic, wittingly or unwittingly, works through the wrong
powers, through daimons or fallen angels, to the ultimate enslavement and
destruction of the magician).
Seen in this context,
Tertullian’s appropriation of the Enochian story makes good rhetorical sense.
It allows him to legitimate the Christian religion in contradistinction to
other "false" or "illicit" religions. What is perhaps more
difficult to understand is the fact that some, including Zosimos,
were also sympathetic to this account, which seemed to play so neatly into the
hands of their detractors, and potential persecutors. In two of his more
theoretical works, On the Letter Omega and the Final Quittance, Zosimos develops a distinctive daimonology.
According to this, the daimons who inhabit the upper regions of the world are
the earthly ministers of the planetary rulers—the gnostic archons—who determine
the Fate of the individual and of the whole physical cosmos. These archons and
their daimonic servants are intent on maintaining the
ignorance and enslavement of fallen humanity. And the goal of what Zosimos termed ‘alchemy’, is liberation of the spiritual
part of the human from the bonds of matter and Fate—from the clutches of the
archons and their daimons. However, alchemy cannot simply ignore these forces,
or wish them away. Thus in working through these problems Zosimos
articulates a distinction between two kinds of alchemy: one profane, the other
sacred; one aimed at the material ends of transmutation, the other aimed at a
spiritual "baptism"; one utterly enslaved to daimons, the other a
means of salvation. Zosimos joins Enoch in condemning
profane alchemy, while insisting on the integrity of the true Hermetic Art.
Thus the rhetorical categories of licit and illicit religion, and his reasons
for appropriating the Enochian story turn out not to be so different from
Tertullian’s: both employ the Enochian myth to legitimate their religious and
ritual practices, in distinction from their spiritual competitors. The notion
that alchemy proceeds on the basis of the revelations of unscrupulous daimons,
or that it derives its very efficacy from astrologic and daimonic
principles, is a central and persistent concern of Zosimos’s
theoretical writings on alchemy. However, in endorsing and indeed developing
the Enochian account of daimonic influence, Zosimos does not view himself as undermining the divine
status of alchemy. True alchemy, Hermetic alchemy, is above reproach, because
it operates—as far as possible—independently of daimons and astrologic
principles, employing a natural methodology based on the natural sympathies and
antipathies of substances. When Zosimos speaks
approvingly of the Enochian account, it may be that he has chiefly in mind that
other school of "so-called" alchemists, who are too lazy for
laboratory work and have no interest in the purification of their bodies and
souls. For them the tincturing of metals is surface deep, lacking entirely the
spiritual implications of "baptism" that Zosimos
finds philosophically expressed in his Hermetic sources. Their version of Chêmeia is indeed ‘of no advantage to the soul’. Zosimos joins the Book of Enoch in condemning these base
practitioners of the occult sciences, who are slaves to their own passions and
to the daimons who rule the world of Fate and matter. More in particular Zosimos in the above shows his familiarity with the folk
legends of Solomon as a magus and exorcist, who holds divine dominion over
daimons. (See for example Testament of Solomon, trans. D.C. Duling).
Probably he read the
Testament of Solomon, in which Solomon describes how he harnessed the powers of
the daimons, with the aid of their angelic superiors, in order to complete the
construction of the Temple. Solomon, through the divine power of his ring,
commands each demon, in turn, to reveal its name, its distinctive activity, its
planetary or zodiacal designation, and the angelic or divine power that thwarts
it. So long as he maintains a pious relation to God, he is able to control the
demons, through their divine superiors, and harness their powers for sacred
ends. But when his piety is compromised, and he sacrifices to pagan gods, his
control over the demons is lost, and he becomes enslaved to them: ‘. . . my
spirit was darkened and I became a laughingstock to the idols and demons.’
(Testament 26.7-8). There is disagreement as to the date of the Testament, but
the consensus seems to place it between the 1st and 3rd centuries CE, in which
case Zosimos could be familiar with it. If the "Mambres" of Zosimos is the
Egyptian sorcerer Jambres, mentioned in the Testament
(25.4), then the connection is strengthened (see Duling,
950-51, nt. 94).
Fact is that, the
Testament of Solomon, is a monotheistic response to the problem of the
malevolent astral powers, and the subordination of the astral powers to the
Jewish God and His angelic ministers neutralizes their malevolent potency, so
that Solomon can harness their powers in the sacred work of the Temple’s
construction. What the Europe of the witch hunts concerns however, this debate
re-emerged in the 1460s, when a Byzantine monk brought a group of texts known
as the Corpus hermeticum from the collapsing eastern
empire to the Medici court in Florence. Here, a humanist working under the
patronage of Cosimo de' Medici (1389-1464), was one
of the principal proponents of Platonic thought in the fifteenth century,
already engaged in translating works of Plato when the manuscript containing
most of the books of the Corpus hermeticum came into Cosimo's possession.
Mistakenly believing
the Hermetic texts to be far older sources that had influenced Plato (in fact,
the lines of influence ran the other way, the Corpus hermeticum
being infused with Neo-platonic thought dating at least five centuries after
Plato's death), Cosimo de' Medici (1389-1464),
ordered Ficino to leave Plato aside and turn his attention to Hermes
Trismegistus. Medieval scholars had known of these texts and actually possessed
a Latin version of one Hermetic work known as Asclepius, but the main body of
Hermetic writings only became available in the West through Ficino's
translation. Although the influence of Hermetic thought on all aspects of
learned magic in the Renaissance has often been overstated, the undeniable
impact of this body of supposedly ancient texts nevertheless reveals much about
the nature of Renaissance magic.
Case Study
Occult Science P.2:
Hermes Trismegistus as the founder of “Natural Magic”depicted in a floor mosaic in the Siena cathedral:
In 1489, Ficino wrote
his own major work of magical thought, De vita caelitus
comparanda (On Life connected to the Heavens), which
was above all a treatise on medicine and the human body. That Ficino developed
his magical system primarily in a medical context indicates the degree to which
he conceived of his magic as being entirely natural rather than in any way
demonic and how critically concerned he was to present it in that light. The
key concept in Ficino's magical system was spiritus. This was not the human
spirit or soul in a standard Christian sense. Rather, while spiritus was not
entirely physical, it was a natural aspect of the human body and provided the
medium though which ephemeral and occult forces radiating through the universe,
above all astral forces, could affect the human body and mind. Ficino's active
magic entailed manipulating the spiritus by various means to make it more
susceptible to particular forces, the strong influence of which was desired at
a particular time. For example, the spiritus could be attuned to the martial
energies of the planet Mars before a battle, or to the energies of Venus in
preparation for an amorous pursuit. Negative influences, such as those that
caused disease or melancholy, could also be warded off by making the spiritus
less susceptible to them and more receptive to countervailing forces. Spiritus
might be attuned to a particular astral influence in many ways, including
consuming certain types of food or drink, burning various kinds of incense, or
surrounding oneself with materials that were naturally sympathetic to the
desired planet's influence. Gold was naturally attuned to the beneficial
energies of the sun, for example. Another major means of making the spiritus
especially susceptible to specific influences was through music, as particular
songs or melodies were believed to be (rather literally) in tune with certain
astral emanations and would alter the spiritus subtly to be more influenced by
these forces.
By conceiving of his
magical rites as directly affecting only his own spiritus or that of others to
make them more receptive to particular astral forces, rather than manipulating
those forces directly, Ficino avoided a major pitfall. Christian authorities
had for centuries condemned any attempts to control astral forces by words or
rites, claiming that such actions were actually forms of communication with
demons who then manipulated natural forces or otherwise produced the desired
magical effects. Ficino further hoped to demonstrate how ancient magical
practices could still be regarded as both effective and permissible within a
Christian conception of the universe. He maintained, along with most Christian
thinkers of his day, that some natural substances were particularly attuned to
certain astral forces and could be used to attract or amplify these. Deliberately
crafting figures from these materials, however, especially if they were
inscribed with symbols or writing was more problematic, since these then seemed
like a form of communication with some (demonic) intelligence. The degree to
which Hermetic thought shaped Ficino's magic, as opposed to Platonic,
Neoplatonic, or other influences, is still debated. Certainly after translating
the Hermetic corpus, he must have been infused with Hermetic ideas. Yet he
mentioned Hermetic writings directly only a handful of times in the whole of De
vita. Basic ideas of the interconnectedness of the human body (the microcosm)
with the natural forces of the larger universe (the macrocosm), as well as
ideas regarding powerful emanations from higher astral spheres to the earth, were
central to Neoplatonic thought. There is no need, then, to think of Hermeticism
as the direct source of all of Ficino's magic. Yet Hermetic ideas, themselves
largely reflective of Neoplatonism, certainly influenced his thought, and
perhaps especially his desire to explain and justify supposed ancient magical
practices in terms that could be acceptable to Christian theology. He was, for
example, fascinated with an account in the Hermetic Asclepius of how Egyptian
priests had fashioned statues and infused them with the power of demons. Ficino
wanted to salvage this rite from condemnation by arguing that the priests
actually used astral forces and so their practices were not in fundamental
conflict with Christian doctrine. Thus Renaissance magic was based in sources
that supposedly stemmed from deepest antiquity and that were therefore, in the
minds of Renaissance thinkers including occultists and esotericists
today, profoundly
admirable and authoritative.
Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463-1494), as
we have seen, initially was considered a quintessential humanist because of his
famous Oratio de hominis dignitate (Oration on the
Dignity of Man) of 1487. Although he was opposed to many aspects of astrology,
which he felt could become overly deterministic and detract from human
achievement, he was deeply interested in magic. To the heady mix of
Neoplatonism and Hermeticism already circulating in Italy, he added the study
of Kabbalah, a Jewish system of mysticism that had developed mainly in medieval
Spain but that, not unlike the Corpus hermeticum,
Renaissance scholars thought was far more ancient. The essential Kabbalistic
principle was that the entire universe existed as a continual emanation from
the divine. Since in the Book of Genesis God created the universe by speaking,
Kabbalah became centered on words and letters, particularly the twenty-two
letters of the Hebrew alphabet and the ten senrot (or
sephiroth), names representing aspects of the power of God descending through
the universe. Through the careful contemplation of these, one could ascend
toward the divine. Since' Hebrew could be conceived as the original language
spoken by God, learned magicians had long believed that Hebrew words might carry
particular power, and so the move from mystical contemplation to more active
magical manipulations involving Hebrew words could be slight. In his
Kabbalistic magic, Pico focused on the use of Hebrew language and mystical
systems to achieve the magician's own self-purification and refinement of
spirit.
By basing his system
of magic on the manipulation of the human spirit so that it became more
receptive to higher powers, Pico, like Ficino, endeavored to avoid charges of
invoking and worshiping demons. He certainly would have wanted to stay clear of
any such charges. In 1487 he had suffered a papal condemnation for some of his
philosophical opinions. He had fled Florence, suffered imprisonment in France,
and had only been released through the Medicis' intervention.
Yet Kabbalistic magic was by no means entirely safe from accusations of demonic
involvement, for Kabbalah posited spiritual forces, either angels or demons,
depending on a given authority's attitude toward them, closely associated with
the various levels of ascent toward the divine. But his Kabbalistic magic
integrated easily with other Renaissance magical systems. Pico's contemporary,
the German humanist Johannes Reuchlin (1455-1522), in his De arte cabalistica (On the
Cabalistic Art), extended Pico's ideas and pushed them more openly in the
direction of angelic (or demonic, in the minds of his critics) magic.
Another, was the
formerly mentioned Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa von Nettesheim
(1486 1535). Born and educated in Cologne, Agrippa was drawn to magical studies
very early and had already compiled his compendium of magic, De occult
philosophia (On Occult Philosophy), by 1510, when he was scarcely twenty· four
years old. Unlike most previous major Renaissance magicians, who tried dilligently to present their magic as entirely natural and non demonic, Agrippa freely admitted the angelic and/or
demonic nature of Renaissance magic. In 1519, while serving as civic
orator in the town of Metz, he had come to the defense of a woman accused of
witchcraft, arguing that simple old women were not likely to be involved in any
real demonic magic.
Although he
vigorously rejected all aspects of demonic magic, also Paracelsus strongly
advocated ‘natural’ magic. Like Ficino, Paracelsus believed that astral forces
exerted vital influence on the human body. Thus he felt that all physicians
needed to be skilled astrologers and to some extent astral magicians. Another
major physician and astrologer of his time was the Italian Girolamo Cardano (1501-1576), who was trained at Pavia and later
became a professor of medicine at the University of Bologna. Like most educated
men of his day, he firmly believed in the important connection between medicine
and astral forces. In1534 he moved fully into the realm of astrology, publishing
his first collection of general prognostications, now a popular genre, thanks
to the printing press. Cardano intended his
astrological publications to spread his reputation and gamer him new clients.
Clearly his strategy worked, because his name became known across Europe, and.
he was summoned from as far away as Scotland in 1552 to treat the archbishop of
Edinburgh. On his journey north, he spent time at many of the courts of France
and England, encountering various important people. A minor celebrity in France
at this time, who like Cardano was both a physician
and an astrologer, was Michel de Nostredame
(1501-1566), better known by his Latinate name, Nostradamus. He and Cardano do not appear to have met, but like Cardano he published prognostications to build his
reputation and attract clients. He issued the famously obscure rhymed verse
prophecies of his Centuries in 1555. Thanks to enduring interest in this work,
he has earned a unique reputation in the modem world, yet in his own day there
were many of his ilk, and he hardly ranked among the most important,
successful, or influential Renaissance magicians.
An important figure,
and someone whom Cardano certainly met on his
travels, was John Dee (1527-1608), probably the most significant sixteenth-century
English mage. The son of a minor official in the court of Henry VIII (reigned
1509-1547), Dee traveled to the continent to continue his studies of
mathematics and navigation at the University of Louvain in the Low Countries.
In addition to pure mathematics and nautical knowledge, he became fascinated,
in the course of his education, with alchemy, astrology, Kabbalah, and Hermetic
magic. Returning to England, he turned down university posts in favor of direct
noble patronage for his services, notably from Robert Dudley, Earl of Leister,
but also from the royal family. Court magicians had been common since the
Middle Ages, and such patronage allowed Renaissance mages (as well as other
scholars and scientists) the advantage of more time for their own often
esoteric studies than university positions permitted. Involvement with
political figures and court intrigue carried risks as well, of course. During
the brief reign of Mary Tudor (reigned 1553-1558), oldest daughter of Henry
VIII, Dee was imprisoned on charges of sorcery-accused of forecasting the
queen's death for her political rivals. When Mary did die and her younger
sister Elizabeth ascended to the throne (reigned 1558-1603), Dee was restored
to favor and provided Elizabeth with astrological services, as well as with his
mathematical and navigational expertise.
Like many Renaissance
mages, Dee suffered throughout his life with rumors that he was actually an
evil sorcerer in league with demons. Such rumors were no doubt only exacerbated
by the fact that, later in life, he did indeed come to focus on angelic magic,
seeking to communicate with angels via a crystal ball. For this, Dee employed
the services of young apprentices who would actually see the angels and report
on what they said. Most notably among these men was Edward Kelly, whose exact
status as honest assistant or opportunistic charlatan history has never been
able fully to determine. In 1583 Dee and Kelly left England for the promise of
better patronage on the continent. Dee's neighbors in England were clearly
relieved at the departure of the suspected sorcerer and promptly burned down
his house. On the continent, first in Poland and then in Bohemia, Dee never
found patronage fully to his liking. He also seems to have grown disenchanted
with magical pursuits and especially his attempts with Kelly to communicate
with angels. Dee finally broke with his assistant and returned to England,
where he died penniless. His remarkable career illustrates the heights to which
a skillful Renaissance magician could rise as well as the risks this profession
entailed and the depths to which one could fall.
It was only with The
True Christian Religion (1771), by Emanuel Swedenborg that the occult tradition found it's recognised place in Europe and beyond. Here Swedenborg
approaches the difficulties in extracting holy truth from the Bible:
"The natural
man, however, cannot thus be persuaded to believe that the Word is divine truth
itself, in which are divine wisdom and divine life; for he
judges it by its style which reveals no such things. Yet the style of the Word
is a truly divine style, with which no other however lofty and excellent can be
compared. The style of the Word is such that it is holy in every sentence, in
every word, and sometimes in every letter; and therefore the Word unites man to
the Lord and opens heaven."
The Christian magical
tincture of this sentiment needs hardly to be spelled out. Indeed, Swedenborg's
theory of correspondences, when specifically applied to Scripture, takes on
more than a superficial Christian kabbalistic tone:
That everything in
nature and in the human body corresponds to spiritual things is shown in
Swedenborg's Heaven and Hell. But what correspondence is, has been hitherto
unknown, although it was perfectly understood in the most ancient times; for to
the men of that time the science of correspondence was the science of sciences,
and was so universal that all their manuscripts and books were written by
correspondences. The book of Job, a book of the ancient church, is full of
correspondences. The hieroglyphics of the Egyptians and the myths of antiquity
were the same. All the ancient churches were representative of spiritual
things; the ceremonial laws of their worship were pure correspondences; so was
everything in the Israelitish church. The burnt-offerings, sacrifices,
meat-offerings and drink-offerings were correspondences in every detail; so was
the tabernacle with everything in it; and also the feasts of unleavened bread,
of tabernacles, and of first fruits; also the priesthood of Aaron and the
Levites and their holy garments ... Moreover, all the laws and judgements
relating to their worship and life were correspondences. Now, because divine
things manifest themselves in the world by correspondences, the Word was
written by pure correspondences; and for the same reason, the Lord, because He
spoke from the divinity, spoke from correspondences. For everything from the
divinity sparked a chain reaction of new religions that sought to interpret
what did not happen.
Like the Christian
Kabbalists, Swedenborg also thought that the very words and letters of the
Bible had mystical powers, which awaited deciphering by the illuminati, meaning
in this case the 'initiated'. Heaven, he revealed, was constituted as a homo
maxim us, a giant man, with the parts of his body consisting of angels. Swedenborg
testified that he had 'conversed with all my relatives and friends, also with
departed kings, dukes and men of learning, and this continually for twenty
seven years.'
Sometimes entrance
was gained by the technique of taking one breath every thirty minutes. Apart
from spirits and angels, some other sources for Swedenborg's interesting
biblical theology suggest themselves. Chief among these is Jacob Boehme
(1575-1624), the German mystic who became notorious for stressing the dualism
of God, which required evil as a complement to His divine goodness.
The Key of Solomon P.1: The Making
of Witchcraft
The Key of Solomon P.3: Magical Revival
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