By Eric Vandenbroeck
and co-workers
From Manchuria To Burma
At noon Tokyo time on
August 15, 1945, a brief radio address by the Japanese emperor announced the
end of the war to millions of astounded Japanese in the Home Islands and all
across Japan's still-vast empire, from the rolling plains of Manchuria to the
jungles of Southeast Asia.
The Japanese had
"lost"; the British, Chinese, French, Dutch, and Americans had
"won." Yet there were still four million Japanese, many of them
armed, on the mainland of Asia, and the Europeans remained shut out of most of
their former colonies for the time being. All along the vast arc of countries
stretching from Manchuria to Burma that constituted the ruins of the Japanese
Empire, new ideas and ambitions were stirring, while old feuds were renewed
with greater vigor. "I view Asia as an enormous pot, seething and
boiling," wrote General Wedemeyer on the day
after Japan's surrender. In this great drama now commencing, the Americans were
not simply bit players. They were more like wealthy producers or prominent
drama critics, often influential but with little control over how the play was
performed or the actors behaved.
That was the end of
the war so far as most Americans were concerned. Yet on the mainland of Asia,
in the vast arc of countries and territories stretching from Manchuria to
Burma, peace was at best a brief interlude. In some parts of Asia, such as Java
and southern Indochina, peace lasted less than two months. In China, a fragile
and incomplete peace lasted less than a year. In northern Indochina, peace
lasted about fifteen months, and in Korea, about three years. Indeed, 1945-46
in Asia may have appeared to many not as a time when war ended, but as a time
when the various protagonists switched sides.
Why did peace in Asia
prove so elusive? What were the elements that contributed to the long postwar
years of grim struggle during which many suffered far more than they had during
World War II itself? This bo attempts to address
these questions through an examination of events in various countries that
previously formed a part of the Japanese Empire. With one exception, India, as
we have seen in the introduction where things went disastrously wrong –
but also in the other places that we will next look at in detail starting with china, the situation gave birth to long-term problems
that sometimes outlived the Cold War.
The war had been won
in the Pacific. In Asia, Japan's army however was largely intact. It had large
numbers of troops in northern and western China and, until August 9, Manchuria
and Korea as well. Japanese armies had been badly mauled in Burma, but all of lndochina, Malaya, and the Netherlands Indies were still
under Japanese control. At the moment of surrender there were approximately six
and a half million Japanese soldiers and civilians-about one in every twenty
Japanese in the western Pacific and on the mainland of Asia. They included
about 1,200,000 in Manchuria, 750,000 in Korea, 1,500,000 in China proper, and
at least 700,000 in various parts of Southeast Asia. (Quoted from Reports of
General MacArthur: MacArthur in japan, the
Occupation: Military Phase, vol.l supplement, pp.
170, 176).
In fact no one expected
the war to end when it did. Even after the two atomic bombs and the entry of
the Soviet Union into the war on August 9, the Japanese, though doomed, were
expected to fight OJ for some considerable time. Suddenly, on August 10, the Domei New Agency broadcast a statement by the Japanese
Foreign Ministry tha Japan was ready to accept the
surrender terms presented by the Allie in the so-called Potsdam Declaration on
July 26, "provided that the said declaration does not comprise any demand
which prejudices the prerogatives of His Majesty as a Sovereign Ruler."
The announcemen surprised even top officials in Washington.Allied policy was that all these Japanese were
to be returned to Japan. (Ouoted form Message,
War Department to MacArthur and Wedemeyer, 17 August
1945, WARX 50537, ABC 387, 15 February 1945, National Archives Record Group
165, Records of General and Special Staffs).
In principle, Allied
forces would occupy the whole of Japan's former empire, where they would
receive formal surrenders from various commands and disarm and repatriate the
Japanese. The basic surrender document, General Order No. 1, hastily drafted in
the State Department and the Pentagon during the night of August 10, provided
that Japanese forces in China, Taiwan, and northern Indochina, but not
Manchuria, were to surrender to Chiang Kai-shek. All Japanese forces in
Manchuria and in Korea north of the 38th parallel were to surrender to the
commander in chief of Soviet forces in the Far East. Japanese forces in
Southeast Asia and the southwest Pacific were instructed to surrender to the
Supreme Allied Commander, Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten, and those in other
parts of the Pacific to Admiral Chester Nimitz, commander in chief of the U.S.
Pacific Fleet. The Japanese government and all forces in the Home Islands were
to surrender to General Douglas MacArthur, designated the Supreme Allied
Commander in Japan. Japanese forces in Korea south of the 38th parallel and in
the Philippines would also surrender to MacArthur.
Yet it would be some
time before the forces of the victorious powers could arrive in all the various
quarters of former Greater East Asia. In fact the Soviets were the first to
arrive. They had entered the war on August 9, when more than a million and a
half Soviet troops, accompanied by 3,700 tanks and 1,900 self-propelled guns,
swept into Manchuria from the north, east, and west.
Settlers near the
Soviet border learned of the Russian attack only when they were suddenly
ordered to evacuate.or by accident through
encountering other settlers fleeing south. The residents of Fukushima Yoshi's
settlement "had no idea which way to escape. Everyone just wanted to go
whatever way the Soviets weren't said to be coming ....
Soviet soldiers
swiftly took up where the local residents had left off, cheerfully robbing both
Chinese and Japanese houses. In the opinion of the OSS team, "The Russians
excelled the Chinese in large scale housebreaking, looting and, in numerous
cases, rape." The Japanese consulate reported that women were raped at bus
stops, in railroad stations, and simply by Russians passing on the roads.
(Japanese Embassy, Mukden, Report, [no date] August 1945, microfilm reel
A-0116, frames 733-34, Japanese Foreign Ministry Archives, Tokyo).
Disease ravaged the
refugee camps during the winter and spring of 1945-46. In one camp near Harbin all 1,020
people contracted typhus. One makeshift graveyard on the grounds of an old
school was at one point adding a hundred graves a day. (Consular Report, 15 May
1946, Japanese Foreign Office Records, reel A-0116, frame 739, Foreign Ministry
Archives, Tokyo.) In all, about 15 percent of the Japanese in the Harbin area
died between August 1945 and March 1946. (Idem, frame 742, Foreign Ministry
Archives, Tokyo.)
To the Soviets,
recently arrived from a country that had long lacked consumer goods of all
kinds, Manchuria appeared far more opulent than Russia. They set out
immediately to right this imbalance. Russian soldiers "burst into private
homes and ransacked the house, removing everything of value except the
furniture. Then a military truck would come and haul away the furniture. Soviet
officers seldom attempted to restrain their men from looting and indeed often
joined in.” (Umemoto Sutezo, Kantogun
Shimatsuki (Story of the End of the Kwantung Army),
Tokyo: Hara Shobo, 1967, p. 157.)
"All they do is
loot and kill," declared Hal Leith, "and they don't stick to looting
from the Japanese. Some soldiers wear as many as ten watches .... I have met
some very nice Soviet military in Mukden but they are about 1 in 10." (US.
Naval Attache, Nanking, US.S.R.: Soviet Army of
Occupation in Manchuria, 18 June 1946, National Archives Record Group 226,
entry 108, box 378.)
The Japanese
vice-consul in Port Arthur (Lunchun) reported that
Chinese citizens had stolen arms from the naval base in order to arm themselves
as a militia to stop Russian looting. (1945-1946 microfilm records, microfilm
reel A-0116, frame 774, Japanese Foreign Ministry Archives, Tokyo.)
Even the Chinese
Communists protested to the Soviets that Red Army troops "were engaging in
activities inconsistent with the practices of a proletarian army, in particular
raping women and depriving peasants of their livelihood." The secretary of
the Party's Northeast Committee, Hu Fujia (Hu Fuchia), urged the Red Army commanders to issue orders
promising strict punishment for violations of discipline. Hu believed it would
require a massive propaganda campaign to win back the goodwill of the Chinese toward
the Soviets.( Brian Murray, "Stalin, the Cold War and the Division of
China: A Multiarchival Mystery," Cold War
International History Project.)
As the Soviet advance
continued into J ehol and Hopeh,
the Rus sians repeated their performances farther north.
The city of Pingchuan in Jehol
Province had been expecting the arrival of Chiang Kai-shek's troops and were
surprised to find their town occupied instead by the Red Army. Former members
of the puppet army and police were rounded up and imprisoned without adequate
food while the Russians ransacked every house and carried away all the
livestock. Local residents reported that Soviet soldiers "forcibly took
people's wristwatches. If they refused to give them up, they were sentenced to
be shot .... The Russian Army forced the farmers to find women for them. When
some failed to produce the women, the Russians, unable to satisfy their
desires, shot two laborers and one farmer." (Military Information: Account
of the Situation in Pingchuan Mter
Soviet Invasion, Strategic Services Unit Report A-67256, 14 March 1946.
National Archives Record Group 59.)
The devastating
Soviet sojourn in northern China was only one of the unintended consequences of
the U.S. and British invitation to the Russians to enter the war against Japan.
When Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin had met at Yalta in February 1945, Soviet
help to subdue Japan still appeared very important. The Japanese were on their
last legs in the Pacific with American forces preparing to land on Okinawa, but
Tokyo still had large armies on the continent who might have to be engaged at
some point to prevent their participation in the battle for the Japanese Home
Islands. Sta1in's price was the restoration of all the special privileges that
Czarist Russia had held in Manchuria before she had been deprived of them
"by the treacherous attack of Japan in 1904." This included control
of Dairen and Port Arthur and joint operation of the Manchurian railroads. The
Soviets would recognize China's "full sovereignty" in Manchuria, but
China would have to accept the continued existence of the Soviet-sponsored
regime in Outer Mongolia, the Mongolian People's Republic. This agreement on
the Far East was reached without any consultation with the Chinese government
..
Roosevelt promised to
obtain Chiang Kai-shek's consent to the agreement, and the Soviets promised to
sign a "treaty of friendship and alliance" with China. Such a treaty
would explicitly recognize Chiang's Kuomintang regime as the only legitimate
government of China and, in effect, abandon the Chinese Communists.
Negotiations over the treaty in Moscow dragged on from June through August. The
Soviets were alternately contemptuous and wheedling, the Chinese worried but
unflappable. Finally on August 10 Stalin warned Chiang's representatives that
they had better sign the treaty quickly because the Chinese Communist armies
were moving into Manchuria in the wake of the Soviet invasion. (Sergei N. Goncharov et al., Uncertain Partners: Stalin, Mao and the
Korean War, Stanford University Press, 1993, p. 5.)
On August 14, the day
of Japan's final surrender announcement, the Chinese and Soviet foreign
ministers signed the treaty. The price to Chiang was high: everything agreed at
Yalta and then some; but the Chinese Communists had been isolated, and the
world's two strongest powers were now formally tied to Chungking. In the
reoccupation of China, Chiang was, as one American of put it, "starting
from the flat of his back." (George V. Underwood oral history interview,
1984, George V. Underwood Papers, box 1, pp. 14-15, U.S. Army Military History
Institute, Carlisle, Pa.)
The Generalissimo's
armies were more than a thousand miles from the great cities in the north
east. His forces were very large on paper, with a total of four million men,
but General Wedemeyer estimated that only about
twenty devisions had been properly, trained and
equipped. After eight years of war, Chiang's Nationalist government was weary,
ill organized, and corrupt. "If peace comes suddenly, it is reasonable
expect widespread confusion and disorder' declared General Wedemeyer
at the beginning of August. "The Chinese have no plans for rehabilitation,
prevention of epidemics, restoration of utilities.” (Letter, Wedemeyer to Marshall, 1 August 1945,ABC 336 (26 January
1942) China, National Archives Record Group 218, section 1-B-4, box 243.)
Meanwhile in the
north, Mao Tse-tung did not even know of the
Sino-Soviet treaty, but he wasted no time. Even before General Order No. 1 had
been issued, General Chu Teh (Zhu De), commander of
the Communist forces in the north, had announced that "any anti-Japanese
armed forces can take the surrender of the Japanese." In notes to the Allied
embassies in Chungking, the Communists claimed that it was they who had done
all the fighting in the war against Japan. Their radio broadcasts declared that
"the Fascist chieftain," Chiang Kai-shek, "cannot represent the
Chinese people and Chinese troops which really oppose the J apanese."
(Herbert Feis, The China Tangle: The American Efforts
in China from Pearl Harbor to the Marshall Mission, New York: Atheneum, 1965,
pp. 356-57.)
Troops of Mao's Eighth
Route Army moved forward to disarm the Japanese and north to meet the
victorious Russians. Communist forces also occupied, or threatened to occupy,
some of the large cities and seized even more of the railroads.
Chiang in the mean time, reminded the Japanese to surrender only to him.
The Communists ignored these instructions and were soon fighting those Japanese
who refused to yield to them, while confiscating the weapons and equipment of
those who did. Some of the latter were soon recruited into the Eighth Route
Army. Alarmed at these developments, Wedemeyer urged
Washington to give China first priority in allocation of US. occupation forces.
After describing the advances of Communist troops, he also raised the
possibility that some of the Japanese troops might continue to fight. In any
case, former enemy forces and civilians would have to be concentrated in the
major port areas for shipment back to Japan. Wedemeyer
wanted seven American divisions sent to China and requested, as "an
absolute minimum," that two American divisions be sent to Taku (Dagu), a port near Peiping, one to Shanghai, and elements
of a fourth to Canton. (Wedemeyer to War Department,
CM-IN 12388, 12 August 1945, National Archives Record Group 218.)
Marshall
promptly advised Wedemeyer that "your proposal
that we give China first priority over Japan and Korea will not be
acceptable" and that the most he could expect would be two U.S. divisions,
whose arrival would be dependent on the availability of shipping. (Marshall to Wedemeyer, WAR 49550,14 August 1945, National Archives
Record Group 165.)
Most of the Japanese
generals in China viewed the Communists with distaste and the Nationalists with
disdain. In fact they felt no sense of having been defeated by Chiang or by the
Communist guerrillas. An American general concluded that "the Japanese
officers that he met are representative of a Japanese Army that has not been
defeated.” (Message, Indiv to Davis, 25 August 1945,
entry 148, box 7, National Archives Record Group 226.)
Every mannerism
indicates that they were obediently attending to a conference, and formally
surrendering but that's all."( Donald G. Gillin
and Charles Etter, "Staying On: Japanese
Soldiers and Civilians in China, 1945-1949," Journal of Asian Studies 42,
May 1983, pp. 497-99.)
For weeks in Shanghai
and Peiping, Japanese troops with polished bayonets continued to patrol the
streets and Japanese officers still drove about in their staff cars. 86 As late
as September 4, an OSS officer reported from Shanghai that "to date the
Japs have not in any way relinquished control of the city." (Message
CHAFX, Kunming to ass, 4 September 1945, IN 23381, National Archives Record
Group 226, entry 53, box 4.)
Before the Japanese
surrender, rumors had been flying concerning secret understandings between
Chiang, the puppet, regimes, and the Japanese to form a common front against
the Comumunists. "In China," observed one
Chinese journalist, "no matter what happens there is always the same set
of career bureaucrats." (Suzanne Pepper, Civil War in China: The
Political Struggle, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978, p.
12.)
With the Allied
victory, high officials who had collaborated with the Japanese now proclaimed
themselves advance agents charged to "maintain order" by the Nationalist
government. In Hopeh Province, the former
Japanese-controlled puppet army now became the Kuomintang's "Hopeh Advance Army," commanded by a former
collaborationist official. (Odd Arne Westad, Cold War
and Revolution: Soviet-American Rivalry and the Origins of the Chinese Civil
War, New York: Columbia University Press, 1993, p. 104.)
Japanese messages
decrypted by American intelligence revealed that the Nanking puppet government
and a Nationalist government representative, Ku Chu-tung, "had been in
contact for over a year." Ku and General Ho Ying-chin had reportedly
"secretly proposed to the puppet government a joint defense against the
Communists." In Peiping, "the local puppet government, with full
knowledge (indeed under the direction) of Chungking, is taking steps to
cooperate with the Japanese to keep the Chinese [Communists] from gaining
control of the area." ("China's Position Today," 19 August 1945,
SRH-114, National Archives Record Group 457.)
In Shanghai, the
mayor, Chou Fo-hai, a former high-ranking minister in
the collaborationist Wang Ching-wei regime,. had run
the city for the Japanese. He now announced that he had been instructed by
Chiang to maintain public order, in cooperation-- with the Japanese.
(Pepper, Civil War in China, p. 12.) The tacit Japanese realignment with Chiang
can also be explained by the fact that several of Chiang's top generals had
attended military schools in Japan during the 1920’s and early 1930’s and
retained a deep respect for their erstwhile mentors. When Major General Imai
Takeo, Okamura's deputy chief of staff, arrived at Chekiang to arrange the
formal surrender of Japanese forces, he found that three officers of the
Chinese delegation were his former pupils at the Japanese military academy.
According to Imai, the head of the Chinese delegation had provided a round
table for the surrender conference to imply that the Japanese were to be
treated as equals. The Americans, however, had insisted on two long tables
facing each other. The American representative at the surrender ceremony was
also concerned that the Chinese seemed inclined to allow the Japanese officers
to retain their personal swords as they were "family heirlooms." He
reminded the Chinese of the "Potsdam declaration that the Jap military
caste must be destroyed." (Message CCC FWD ECH to CCC Kunming, 23 August
1945, National Archives Record Group 493.)
"There is
nothing in Nanking that indicates its liberation," wrote a Chinese
journalist at the end of August. "Okamura is still enthroned in the
Foreign Ministry building. Japanese gendarmes still occupy the former premises
of the Judicial Yuan. Japanese sentries are posted everywhere." ( Pepper,
Civil War in China, p. 11.)
In the area of
Kaifeng, the OSS reported that about 130 troops of the Japanese Twelfth Army
had been killed in fighting with the Communists between the Japanese surrender
and late November 1945. Though the Japanese fought well, "they have
nothing but contempt for Chinese inefficiently and only desire to go home.”
(Message, Redford to Indiv, 18 December 1945,
National Archives Record Group 226, entry 210, box 156.)
Then on August 25 a
new problem arose; an American OSS officer, Captain John Birch, was murdered by
Communist soldiers near Suchow (Suzhou). Birch had been on his way to the Shantung
Peninsula to survey the area's former Japanese airfields for possible use in
POW operations and to establish radio communications for OSS in the region.
(Malcolm Rosholt to Paul Frillman, 4 January 1967,
Paul W. Frillman Papers, box 3, Hoover Institution
Archives, Stanford University.)
In the town of Hwang
Ko (Hankuo), Birch's small detachment was stopped by
Communist soldiers, who demanded that the OSS party surrender its arms. Birch,
who spoke fluent Chinese, refused, and demanded to speak to the officer in
charge. An angry altercation followed. Birch and his deputy, Lieutenant Tung
Chin-seng, a Nationalist officer, were shot by the
Communists and their bodies dumped in a pit. Birch's body was later mutilated
by the Communists, probably in an effort to make identification impossible.
Lieutenant Tung survived, however, and, helped by local people, made his way to
a nearby Nationalist unit. (Memo for Major GustaveJ.
Krause, subject: Account of the Death of Captain John Birch, ass Field Station
Files, Chungking, National Archives Record Group 226, entry 14B, box 6.)
The news of Birch's
death sent shock waves through American headquarters in Chungking. General Chu Teh explained to an infuriated Wedemeyer
that he had alerted the Communist New Fourth Army command to Birch's expected
arrival at the town of Ninchuan (Nanchang), but Birch
showed up at Hwang-ko station, 250 miles north of Ninchua,
in an area still under the control of Chinese puppet troops. A likely
explanation for the Eighth Route Army's behaviour was
that Birch was scheduled to meet with General Hu Peng-chu, the commander of the
former puppet Sixth Army. The Communists were at the time in the midst of
delicate maneuvers to subvert the Sixth Army headquarters and bring the former
puppet troops over to the Eighth Route, Army.
Wedemeyer confronted Mao and Chou En-lai
directly at Hurley's quarters in Chungking five days after Birch's murder. The
two professed to have no knowledge of the incident. Wedemeyer
told the Communist leaders that "I am going to use whatever force is
necessary to protect American lives." He warned that there would be grave
consequence if the American public were to learn of Birch's death at the hands
of the Communists. Mao replied in a conciliatory tone, reminding the Americans
that the Communists had helped to rescue downed flyers and had welcomed an
American observer group to Yenan. He suggested that
the shooting may have been by "local guerillas who were fighting the
Japanese and during the fighting some misunderstanding may have happened."
(Yu, oss in China, p.237.) Angry as he was, Wedemeyer was not inclined to force a showdown with Mao
over the incident, especially since he privately believed that Birch
"actually provoked the unfortunate altercation with the Chinese Communists
which resulted in his death." (Untitled Comment on Kahn, The China Hands,
Albert C. Wedemeyer Papers, box 6, folder 6.24,
Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford, Calif.)Years later some hard-line anti communists in the
United States would come to regard Birch as the first casualty of the Cold War,
and the extremist right-wing John Birch Society was named in his honor.
At Chungking, Mao
recognized that he was temporarily in a tight position. He had little doubt
about the long-term outcome of a contest with the Nationalists. His movement
was dynamic, growing, and highly motivated, with good leaders and a proven
strategy, while Chiang's was increasingly isolated, corrupt, reactionary, and
incompetent. Yet for the moment, with the Americans backing Chiang and Russian
attitudes uncertain, he was prepared to make concessions. The Communists
dropped their earlier demand to share power with Chiang in a coalition
government and agreed to give up a few of their base areas in some provinces.
The Nationalists recognized the Communists as a legal and equal political party
and promised democratization of their government and a political consultative
assembly to draft a new constitution. Hurley urged the two sides to agree on
basic principles and leave the details for later.
Then in early September, Moscow directed Marshal Vasilevskii
to send a delegate to Yenan to try to set the ground
rules for Chinese Communist-Soviet military relations in Manchuria. Vasilevskii's representative told Yenan
leaders that the Soviets were obliged to observe the terms of the Sino-Soviet
Treaty and hold the large cities of Mukden, Changchun, and Harbin plus the
railroads for the Nationalists. Elsewhere the Communists were free to move and
receive Soviet help if they agreed to avoid the large cities, not to openly
carry on their activities in Sovietoccupied areas,
and not to allow their forces to operate under the name of the Eighth Route
Army. (Goncharov et al., Uncertain Partners, p. 10.
Murray, "Stalin, the Cold War and the Division of China," p. 3.)
On the first night
after their meeting with the Soviet representative, the Party Politburo agreed
to gamble on an all-out effort to gain control of Manchuria. From Shantung,
from the Yangtze and central China, thousands of soldiers and party cadres
converged on the northeast. "So long as we place the Northeast and Jehol and Chahar [Changsha]
provinces under our control," wrote Liu Shao-chi (Liu Shaoqi), who had
chaired the Politburo meeting, "we will ensure the victory of the Chinese
people." By December there were four hundred thousand soldiers and cadres
in Manchuria ready to try.
But while Mao's
forces were converging on Manchuria, other forces were also preparing to move
north. On Guam and Okinawa, U.S. Marines of the III Amphibious Corps were packing
their gear and receiving a new round of inoculations. The III Amphibious Corps
was all that Wedemeyer had received in response to
his request for seven American divisions in China. To be sure, this was no
small force. It consisted of two Marine divisions, veterans of Iwo Jima and
Okinawa, with their air wing and various logistical and support units. But it
was far less than seven divisions, and the Marines were not expected to reach
north China until the end of September.
In mid-September,
ships of Vice Admiral Daniel E. Barbey's Seventh
Amphibious Force returned from carrying American occupation forces to Korea and
began loading the 1st Marine Division on Okinawa and Guam. Brigadier General
William A. Worton, the III Amphibious Corps chief of
staff, was already in Tientsin with an advance party to reconnoiter and select
buildings and barracks for the Marines. Several dozen former Japanese barracks,
schools, hospitals, hotels, and cinemas were taken over by the Americans, and
the entire Japanese garrison at Taku was withdrawn. (The Consul General at
Tientsin (Mr. Ota) to the Foreign Minister (Yoshida), 25 August 1945, file
A-0116, 532 (0198-0199), Foreign Ministry Archives, Tokyo.)
As part of his
building requisitions for III Corps, Worton, a
veteran of twelve years' service in China and the only member of the Tientsin
Race Club not in a Japanese internment camp, voted unanimous approval of his
own action in taking over the club's building and racetrack. (Benis Frank and Henry Shaw, Victory and OccupationVol.5,Washington
D.C.1968,, p. 553.)
It was quickly
apparent to Worton that the single primitive airfield
at Tientsin would not be adequate to support the large number of fighters and
transport aircraft that the Marines would bring to China. Peiping, with its two
large military air bases, would also have to be occupied. Wedemeyer's
headquarters promptly authorized General Rockey to
"occupy such intermediate and adjacent areas as he deems necessary."
(Ibid., p. 546.) Much of the countryside surrounding Tientsin and Peiping was
held by the Communists, who were unhappy to see the Marines and aware that they
would probably be followed by Nationalist troops. During his visit, Worton held ,a heated meeting with Communist
representatives, who warned of trouble if the Marines tried to occupy Peiping. Worton responded that III Corps "was combat
experienced and ready and would have overwhelming aerial support, and that it
was quite capable of driving straight on through any force that the Communists
mustered in its path. (Ibid., p. 548.) On September 26, landing craft carrying
the first battalions of the 1st Marine Division crossed the shallow Taku bar at
the mouth of the Hai River headed for the town of Tangku,
where the Marines boarded trains for Tientsin. Disembarking from their trains,
they were greeted by cheering crowds waving small American flags. "It
seemed that each one of Tientsin's two million people turned out for the
parade," wrote an American correspondent. "Bottles of Vodka, Chinese
lanterns, flags and stray pieces of women's clothing were handed up to men on
the tanks." (George Moorad, Lost Peace in China
(New York: E. P. Dutton, 1949), pp. 77-78. )
On their way to their
billets in the old British barracks of Tientsin, the 1st Marines encountered
"huge masses of people lining the streets rows and rows deep. Cheering,
crying, mothers and fathers thrusting their babies into our arms .... The
number of Chinese people was so great they managed to infiltrate our ranks in
the parade and some of the Marine units towards the end of the parade got
lost," recalled Pfc. Leo Bouchard, "and once we arrived at the old
British Barracks [my section] was sent out to retrace the parade route and find
the lost units." Watching the tumultuous welcome as American landing craft
sailed up the Hai River, Sergeant Earle wondered whether the Chinese "had
done the same thing with all their many conquerors.” (R.Spencer,
In The Ruins Of Empire, 2007, p. 51.)
A few days after the Tangku landings, a battalion of the 7th Marines came ashore
at Chinwangtao, and on the eleventh of October the 6th Marine Division began
unloading from transports in the harbor of Tsingtao. Mao's confusion by
now was understandable. The United States was demobilizing its forces
worldwide at a pace that Undersecretary of State Dean Acheson said
"amounted almost to disintegration." In China, the Pentagon was
rapidly disbanding Wedemeyer's Chinese Combat
Command, the primary organization for providing American military advice and
training to Chiang's officers. (Letter, Acheson to Averell Harriman, 9 November
1945, W. Averell Harriman Papers, box 184, Manuscript Division, Library of
Congress, Washington,D.C.)
The Americans
opted to avoid any actions that might involve American forces in Chinese
internal war. At the even smaller port of Yingkou,
the American task force again found Chinese Communist forces in control,
contrary to assurances from the Soviets. Admiral Barbey
believed that his task force could land the Nationalists with only slight
resistance but saw that such an action "would cause intense resentment in
all Communist areas and definitely identify us as active military participants
in the trouble now brewing." (Message, CTG 7 to Corn. 7th Flt., 6 November
1945, TS files, China Theater, National Archives Record Group 493.)
China Theater
headquarters, anxious to free up the Seventh Fleet's shipping, had earlier
suggested that Nationalist forces land at Chinwangtao, already held by the
Marines. Chiang reluctantly agreed, and the Thirteenth and Thirty-second Chinese
Armies arrived there at the end of October. The Chinese Nationalist forces
would now be obliged to fight their way overland into Manchuria through
mountain passes and by way of the long and insecure rail lines between Tientsin
and Mukden.
Soviet actions at the
Manchurian ports were a result of a shift in Stalin's China policy, a policy
that changed almost monthly. By the beginning of October, Stalin was frustrated
by British and American opposition to his demands in Europe and the exclusion
of the Russians from the occupation of Japan. He was also worried by the presertce of sizable American forces in northern China. So
in October he allowed the Chinese Communists to set up regimes in some
Manchurian towns and cities and continued to exclude the Nationalists from
Soviet-held areas of Manchuria. At the same time, Red Army generals withheld
any cooperation with an advance Nationalist delegation in Changchun that was
charged with preparations for the return of Manchuria to Chinese control and
administration.
To focus attention on
Soviet obstructionism in the northeast, Chiang angrily withdrew his delegation
from Changchun in early November, but by then Stalin had flip-flopped once
again and now opened secret talks with Chiang to set the withdrawal of Soviet troops
and discuss future economic cooperation between China and the Soviets.
Yet the United States
was far from disengagement in China. General suspicion and fear of the Soviets had
been growing in Washington during the spring and summer of 1945, primarily in
reaction to Russian actions in Eastern Europe. This had spilled over into
misgivings by some about Russian actions in China and Manchuria as well. In the
final stages of the negotiations for the Sino-Soviet Treaty in Moscow, Truman
and Secretary of State Byrnes had become convinced that the Russians were
attempting to squeeze additional concessions out of Chiang beyond anything
contemplated in the original agreement at Yalta. In a meeting on the day the
Soviets entered the war, U.S. ambassador to the USSR Averell Harriman told
Stalin that the United States supported the Chinese position and would insist
on the observance of the Open Door policy in Manchuria. Following the conclusion
of the treaty, Harriman warned that the United States must take steps to
prevent Soviet dominance of northeast Asia.
In Washington,
Assistant Secretary of War John J. McCloy and Navy Secretary James V. Forrestal
shared Harriman's concerns. Truman and his advisers had already decided to have
U.S. troops occupy the southern half of Korea in order to prevent Soviet
dominance of the peninsula. Byrnes and McCloy had also planned to have American
troops land at the key port of Dairen on the Liaotung (Liaodong) Peninsula of
Manchuria, but it soon became clear that the Soviets would get there first.
(Marc Gallicchio, Cold War Begins in Asia, Columbia Univerity Press, 1988, pp. 76, 81, 84-87.)
Concern about Soviet
expansion in East Asia thus made it easy for some in Washington to see the
Marines' presence in northern China not simply as a necessary measure for
handling the Japanese surrender but as a positive move to shore up Chiang and
counter the Soviet presence in Manchuria. (Odd Arrne Westad, Cold War and Revolution,Columbia
University Press,1993, p. 102.)
At the port of
Yantai, then called Chefoo, on the north coast of Shantung, across the Gulf of
Chili from Dairen. At Chefoo, unlike other cities in northern China, the
Japanese garrison did not continue to hold the town, but withdrew one week
after the surrender, leaving Chefoo in the hands of the puppet troops, who
quickly capitulated to the Communists. From Chefoo, the Communists could ferry
troops across the gulf into Manchuria. The local Communist commander was
instructed to resist an American landing at all costs. "Only when not able
to hinder or beat back their advance should you retreat." When the
American convoy carrying the 29th Marines and escorted by cruisers and
destroyers appeared on October 4, however, the local Party leaders opted to
negotiate. (Message, Corn. 7th FIt. To 'Chungking,
enclosing CTG 71 message, 5 October 1945, TS messages, China Theater, National
Archives Record Group 493.)
Two days of
negotiations convinced Admiral Barbey that "any
landing of the Marines with or without Chinese Nationalist troops, would be I
opposed." (Barbey to Major General S. S. Wade, 8
November 1961, copy in Daniel E. Barbey Papers, box
32, subject file "1961-62," Naval Historical Center, Washington,
D.C.)
The Chefoo incident thus was an early illustration of the mutually
contradictory aspects of American policy in China: to help Chiang while
remaining neutral in the civil war, to thwart the Communists but not to fight
them, to confront the f50viets militarily in northern China while carrying out
worldwide demobilization.
Finally on October 6, General Rockey, representing
Chiang Kai-shek and the Allied powers, received the swords of Lieutenant
General Uchida l Ginnosuke and his staff in a formal
ceremony marking the surrender of all Japanese troops in the Tientsin
area. The surrender touched off a series of riots aimed at the former Japanese
concession in the city. Bands of Chinese roamed the Japanese quarter attacking
Japanese nationals on sight. The worst incidents occurred on the thirteenth of
October, when Chinese thugs set up roadblocks, claiming to be acting for the
Americans, and relieved Japanese and other citizens of their valuables. The
Marines responded with motorized patrols and ordered Chinese , police to
protect the Japanese residents. The Japanese consul reported that two to three
thousand people suffered losses of property in the riots, and forty or fifty
were seriously injured. (Klein, "Situation in North China," pp. 2-3.
The Consul General in Tientsin (Mr. Ota) to the Foreign Minister (Yoshida), 15
October 1945, file A-0116 532 (0207-0209), Foreign Ministry Archives, Tokyo.)
As the leathernecks settled into their ambiguous mission, Chiang's V troops,
many airlifted in by American transport planes, began to return to the cities
of central China and the north. With them came officials of the Chungking
government eager to reassert control over areas long held by the Japanese.
Chieh-shou
(jieshu), the process whereby the Kuomintang carried
out the takeover of government in the former Japanese-occupied regions as well
as the property and other assets of the Japanese and their collaborators, was,
in principle, to be managed by a collection of ad hoc agencies governed by
elaborate and complex decrees issued by Chungking. (The best discussion of Chieu-shou and its consequences may be found in Pepper,
Civil War in China, pp. 16-28. ) In practice, "it was turned into a racket
with official position treated as an opportunity rather than a
responsibility." (Paul Frillman and Graham Peck,
China: The Remembered Lift (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1968), p. 655.)
Those appointed to
supervise chieh-shou were favorites, relatives, or
close political allies of the Generalissimo. If they possessed any managerial
or political abilities, that was pure coincidence.
"To describe the
liberation of Shanghai," wrote one American correspondent, "is to
strain the English language. . .. For weeks the money-changers flew a circle of
roundtrips exchanging bales of American dollars, each one worth 1,500 Chinese
dollars in Chungking but only $700 in Shanghai .... The prosperous Japanese
community in Shanghai was systematically stripped. American Lend-Lease trucks
rumbled through the streets carrying loot from one place to another." (George
Moorad, Lost Peace in China, New York,1949, pp.
55-56.)
Any building or
property that had been occupied by the Japanese or by a
"collaborator" was fair game for the acquisitive managers of chieh-shou."It was common
for individuals to take advantage of their official position first to occupy a
building and then to manipulate things in such a way as to have the building
sold to them," recalled one of Chiang's advisers. Even the Americans and
British had to take action to prevent their consulates from being requisitioned
as former enemy property.
Throughout the newly
"liberated" parts of China the story was much the same. "When
the people in the recovered areas ... saw the flag of the motherland they were
frantically overjoyed," observed a Chinese newspaper editorial. "But
after several nights of sleep they discovered that most of them had lost their
home and property .... Wealth which had taken generations to accumulate was
transferred in a twinkling to those who held gold dollars and Nationalist
dollars in their hands." In Hankow, captured Japanese property including
sizable stocks of cigarettes and cloth were "auctioned off in such large
quantities that the only people who have capital to bid are those in official
positions who can use civil and military funds long enough to purchase and
dispose of the goods and have military vehicles at their disposal."
(Message, West Va. to Indiv, 19 March 1946, National
Archives Record Group 226, entry 210, box 156.)
From Kaifeng in
north-central China, an OSS officer reported that "every building of any
size that is repaired by the local businessmen is taken over by Nationalist
troops; thus killing any desire upon the part of business people to repair
property destroyed in the war." (Message, Redfern to Indiv,
20 December 1945, National Archives Record Group 226, entry 210, box 156.) An
investigating committee headed by Shao Tsung-en,
leader of a small independent party, concluded, "Officials down to the
soldiers are using the resources of the country as their personal property."
(Quoted in Li Huang oral history, p. 832, Chinese Oral History Collection,
Columbia University, New York.)
Chiang's officials
believed that "as public functionaries they hhd
suffered so much hardship and privation in the interior during the seven years
of war that they had a right to indulge themselves ... but actually they
behaved like conquerors to their own people." (Wu Kuo-chen
memoirs, box 20, Chinese Oral History Collection, Columbia University, New
York.)
Kuomintang officials
often came from parts of China distant from those they now governed and spoke
different dialects. They treated the locals with disdain and suspicion,
frequently reminding them that it was they who had saved them from the
Japanese. Nationalist officials in Jinzhou referred to the Chinese of Manchuria
as wang-guo-nu (slaves without a country of their
own).The locals returned these feelings, referring to the Kuomintang officials
as "Chungking Man," a biting reference to "Peking Man," the
famous archaeological find of a primitive ape-like creature near Peiping.
(Wu Kuo-chen memoirs, box 20, p. 4.)
As Chiang's officials settled in to make their fortunes in the cities of the
east and north, American ships took aboard the first of the Chinese armies
bound for Manchuria. In mid-October, transports of Admiral Barbey's
Seventh Amphibious Force began loading troops of the Thirteenth and
Fifty-second Chinese Armies at I)pwloon and at
Haiphong in former French Indochina.
While Chiang's armies
sailed north to Manchuria, the Communists walked. The orders from the Central
Committee to move to the northeast came as a surprise to many Communist units
in central and northern China. With the news of Japan's surrender, Communist
guerrilla soldiers, like most of the war's other combatants, desired most of
all to go home.( Wang Zifeng, Zhanzheng
Niandi de Riji, pp. 171-72.
) This desire was perhaps even stronger among Chinese soldiers who had a
special attachment to their region and their families' ancestral land. As for
Manchuria, most Chinese from south of the Great Wall regarded that remote
northeastern region in much the same way as American GIs from New York regarded
the rural South. Communist officers and cadres found it expedient not to
mention Manchuria, but to tell the troops that they were moving to a nearby
province or city to receive new modern weapons captured from the Japanese or
that they were going to a place where they would enjoy better food for their
rations. (Zhang Zenglong, Xie
Bai Xue Hong [Blood and Snow] (Hong Kong: Dadi Chu-banshe,
1991), pp. 33-34.)
Despite such
blandishments, officers soon found that soldiers were deserting in large
numbers. In one case, the sight of a large banner reading "Welcome to the
77th Regiment on its march to the Northeast" revealed to the surprised troops
their true destination and set off a wave of desertions from that unit.
"Most of those who ran away did so after camp was pitched," wrote one
cadre. "So as well as normal sentries we placed secret sentries .... Some
of us were so desperate we adopted the Japanese method used with their day
1aborers and collected the men's trousers and stowed them in the company HQ at
night." (Jung Chang and Jon Halliday, Mao: The Unknown Story (New York:
Knopf, 2005), p. 288.)
One Communist
division departed Jiangsu on its trip to the northeast with 32,500 troops but
arrived with only 28,000. The remainder were reported by the division commander
as "either escaped or dead." Many deserters, however, soon returned
to their units, prompted by second thoughts about taking their chances in an
unfamiliar region where they were liable to be killed or captured by bandits or
troops of the Nationalist Army. (Zhang Zenglong, Xie Bai Xue Hong, pp.35-36.)
Arriving in
Manchuria, some Communist soldiers were unhappy to find that the local people,
whom they had come to liberate, in fact lived far better than they did.
Industrial workers, for example, appeared to enjoy limitless access to
cigarettes. Troops of the former puppet army newly recruited to the Communist
cause-often with encouragement from the Soviets-had uniforms and weapons far
superior to their own. Political officers reported complaints that "these
former collaborators are better off than we who have been fighting for eight
years." Nor were the promised Japanese weapons always available. Soviet
helpfulness in gaining access to weapons and equipment varied from place to
place and according to the twists and turns of Moscow's approach to China. On
the whole, however, the Communists did benefit from the acquisition of Japanese
arms, which even included heavy artillery and aircraft. (Harold M. Tanner,
"Guerrilla, Mobile, and Base Warfare in Communist Military Operations in
Manchuria, 1945-1947," Journal of Military History 67, October 2003, pp.
1196-97.)
In Washington, among
the handful of men who were privy to the secret cables from China, there was a
lack of consensus concerning the purpose of the Marines and their relation to
larger policy issues-about which there was also disagreement. There were those
who accepted the public explanation, that the Marines were there primarily to
manage the surrender and repatriation of the Japanese, of whom there were a
large number in northern China, many fully armed. There were those who, like Wedemeyer, saw American forces as indispensable in shoring
up the Generalissimo against the Reds and preserving order in Chin4 " and
there were others, including McCloy and Forrestal, who saw the Marines as a way
to keep the Russians in Manchuria from becoming too ambitious. In the State
Department, the assistant secretary of state '" for East Asia, John Carter
Vincent, saw the employment of the Marines as a likely path leading the United
States deep into the tar pit of China's internal wars.
Patrick J. Hurley was
the first to make a final (erratic) contribution to America's China policy. He
was frustrated and worn out by his efforts in China and angered by what he saw
as the maneuvers of the career men in the State Department to undermine him. In
Washington for consultations, Hurley had announced his resignation at a
news conference only a few hours after an amicable conversation with the
president. In his resignation letter and statement to the press, Hurley warned
that certain professional diplomats in the State Department "continued to
side with the Communist armed party and at times with the imperialist bloc
against American policy."
Truman was stunned.
The event would probably make the front pages and focus attention on the
administration's murky China policy. Hurley had many friends, especially among
Republicans on the Hill. In the Cabinet discussion, Secretary of Agriculture
Clinton Anderson suggested that the president immediately announce the
appointment of General George C. Marshall as the new ambassador to China.
Marshall had just retired as chief of staff of the army.
Soon after Marshall left Washington on the first stage of his long trip to
China, Truman released a statement on United States China policy. Peace in
China, the president declared, was essential to the peace of the world.
Consequently, it was "in the most vital interest of the United States and
all the United Nations that the people of China overlook no opportunity to
adjust their internal differences promptly by means of peaceful
negotiations." He called for a national conference of the major political
elements to bring about the unification of China. If China showed progress
toward peace and unity, the United States was ready to provide economic
assistance and other aid. The United States continued to recognize and
cooperate with the Nationalist government and to aid it in repatriating the
Japanese. "This is the purpose of the maintenance, for the time being, of
United States military and naval forces in China."
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