By
Eric Vandenbroeck and co-workers
Notwithstanding some earlier controversy, the child medium/Kumari cult in Nepal is alive and
well. Simply stated most of the lay population
believes that one or another of the Kumaris can bestow "blessings"
and receiving tika (the red paste mark on the forehead of a devotee) from one
of them is important to many. In that context she
is seen as the personification of several of the valley goddess including Taleju, Vajrayogini Guhyeshvari and others. All three cities in Nepal,
Kathmandu, Patan and Bhaktapur have Kumari institutions dating from the Malla
period and possibly before.
There are other Kumaries
as well, depending on who is counting somewhere between thirteen and fifteen
all of them from the Shakya families of the Newar Buddhist communities. The Kathmandu Kumari furthermore, has been giving tika to the
kings of the valley as a mark of her (i.e., the goddesses' acceptance of the
monarch) as a sign of legitimacy for centuries.
It is generally accepted that the
ceremonies in their present form were inaugurated in mid-eighteenth
century by Jaya Prakash Malla, the last of the 'Newar' kings.
Child possession or Svasthavesa
(literally "possession of one who is in a good state of [mental and
physical] health) is considered “positive" versus opportunistic possession
of one who is ill, the ayurvedic category of agantuka considered a
pathology induced from without by demonic grahas
‘seizers’.
The Himalayan Saiva and Buddhist Tantras
that mention svasthavesa are primarily dedicated to
descriptions of the worship of Siva and various goddesses. The Saiva
texts fall within a class called Siddhanta, rather than under the better-known
but highly suspect designation "Kashmir Saivism." Thus, the texts are
not the commonly cited ones , but for example Ja'adratha'amala National Archives, Kathmandu (NAK) 5-4650;
Nifvasaguh'a, NAK 1-277; Tantrasadbhava,
NAK 5-1985, and the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project (N GMPP) AI
88/22; Brhatkalottara, NAK 1-273, plus the Buddhist Cakrasamvavarapindartha and the Sekoddefa
from eastern India.
What is striking about svasthavesa, is the remarkable continuity of these texts
with certain early Chinese Buddhist tantric texts cited by Edward L. Davis in
his volume Society and the Supernatural in Song China (2001), and Michel Strickmann in Chinese Magical Medicine both published
(2002).
In fact the
phenomenon of child possession receives much more attention in Chinese
religious texts than in South Asian or Tibetan ones. Some compilations of Tang
dynasty stories tell of children possessed by the spirits (shen)
of learned men. Glen Dudbridge explicates several
such accounts from a genre called zhiguai (tales of
the marvelous), of at least the eight century if not
before.
In the first story, a girl named Wang Fazhi from the town of Tonglu
serves the spirit of a young man called Teng Quanyin,
with whom she had an affinity in a previous birth; she begins to experience
regular possession of his spirit before the age of five. In frequent meetings
with the county magistrate, writers and poets, and Buddhist monks, Quanyin, speaking through Fazhi,
demonstrates his literary, scholarly, and religious erudition, composing poetry
extemporaneously.
If the story is to gain any credibility,
it must be assumed that the girl was subjected to ritually
induced possession. Even if the story is to be treated as a member of another
genre-for example, didactic tales, fiction, folklore, or an intermediate
genre-we must still ask how, even in the imagination, a five-year-old girl is
able to "serve the spirit of a young man." My sense is that this
"service" must have been ritual, and ritually induced, under the
supervision of a learned master in this art. Even if the
story is regarded as pure fiction, this element of cultural background must be
assumed. This inference is based on the presence of frequent descriptions (and
tales) of oracular possession weighted toward either their narrative or ritual
components, when, in fact, in any "real" or "imagined"
event, both are assumed to be equally present. In the case at hand, the
description of the ritual must have been suppressed in favor of the narrative.
As in the Mantramahodadhi, this story does not state
or imply that the erudition revealed during possession was maintained by the
girl outside the mediumistic act. This too argues for ritually induced
possession. Oracular possession is rarely reported as a spontaneous experience;
it nearly always adheres to known, effective, and ritually adumbrated models,
as mentioned several times earlier. It is, as noted elsewhere, publicly
performed, even if that public is very small. In general, it requires an
expectant and knowing audience.
Sporadic examples of such oracular or
divinatory possession are quite ancient, as for
example, tales from the Brhadarayaka Upanishad that
exhibit important resonances with the material discussed here. It appears
however, that the Chinese ritual texts address therapeutic or exorcistic
practice to a greater degree, and with more subtle distinctions and nuances,
than does the Indic material. The Indic texts domesticate and Sanskritize practices that appear to be derived from
village spirit-mediums, women, or others of lower social rank. The problem with
the Indian material, is that the textuality, in Sanskrit, reflects the
interests of the literate brahmanical and ruling
classes, whereas in China , at least during the Song
(960-1279) and Ming (1368-1644) dynasties, the textuality was more likely to
include direct accounts and interests of a greater range of social classes.
Since there is no evidence that the
Chinese practice early on, at present they appear to be wholly independent
developments. Although answers to certain questions might be sought by anyone
in a crystal ball as it were, for example, in water, or a mirror (called catoptromancy in Greece), a person in an inferior social and intellectual
position was preferred because he or she could articulate divinatory or
oracular answers under the watchful and practiced eye of the mantrin, who would, according to the conventions of
hierarchy, retain the right to censor or reinterpret the words of the oracle if
they were to appear immature, wild, or irresponsible.
During our field research an elderly
Tibetan woman (Oct.2006) was seen using an "oracular mirror." Central
to her practice is a shiny brass surface with an abstract pattern lightly
etched on it into which she stares, which serves as the backdrop of her puja
altar. The client sits on a chair in front of her and off to her right as she
sits cross-legged on an elevated cushion before her altar. After she hears and
acknowledges the question, she makes a few offerings with rice, water, and
other items, stares into the brass plating, and answers the questions. Her
answers describes images/visions she perceives, and of
course does not in imply possession, something that
can be a matter of interpretation or/and belief.
See also the images in our earlier case
study about 'Shamanism':
During earlier observations Hildegard Diemberger describes how Tibetan oracles undergo an
initiation or empowerment in which certain "energy-channels" (rtsa) are opened. “The popular perception is that
impurities in the energy-channel are responsible for aberrant behavior. Once
these are ritually purified, possession is considered to be
under control and confers upon the oracle an extraordinary competence in
helping the other living beings. ”(Diemberger,
"Female Oracles in Modern Tibet." In Women in Tibet. Ed. Janet Gyatso
and Hanna Havnevik, 2005, pp. II3-168).
With the deity or spirit in control, the
oracle then resorts to mirror divination, which "allows the gods to
express themselves.” Some diaspora Tibetan monks have seen performing similar
divinations.
In India there is even a Mughal-era
painting a late sixteenth-century projection of the use of an oracular mirror
by Alexander the Great. The painting, dating to the year 1597 and ascribed to a
Hindu artist named Dharmadasa in the court of Akbar, was a visual
interpretation of part of a long Persian poem by AmIr
Khusraw of Delhi, called ".A'Inah-i Sikandarl" (Mirror of
Alexander), composed in the year 1299. (See John Seyller, Pearls of the Parrot
of India, 2001, p.19-20). The painting reproduced in John Seyller’s book, by a
Hindu at the late sixteenth-century Muslim court, portrays the use of an
oracular mirror by a Greek conqueror of fifteen centuries earlier.
Another variant of the practice of
childhood possession, is the divinatory process employed to discover a tulku or
reincarnation of certain recently deceased lamas. Hereination
again is, the art used to forest place where the Dalai Lamas would be born.
See Case Study P.1:
In Taiwan, child mediums who are
required to be illiterate, may still be found. They
are called. (divination lad), a term that implies that they are both male and
y' However, some jitong are older, and others are
girls. A practice that af to have evolved from this
is still observed. Certain adult mediums in T wear bibs designed for children
in their oracular practice. This appears commemorial, a relic from earlier times when children acted
as medium.
It appears to have originated in
northern India among tantrikas affiliated with
Buddhist, Hindu, or even Jain lineages, who textualized this practice that
predated them. And this way it spread into Tibet and China at the beginning of
the seventh century. What first surfaced in north India in the fifth to
centuries was a variety of prafna that became prasenti farther east, and an assortment of prayogas in South India. The description
of the ritual, is a use of children in oracular
posture.
This broad conformity sparks several
questions. Were specific possession cults transnational? Was Asian, especially
Indian, religion organized along more microscopic definitions of lineage than I
had hitherto believed? And if so, what sorts of identifiable historical forces
could account for this organization?
It is likely, that a fair amount of
material on possession, and probably svasthavefa,
remains buried in collections of unexamined tantric manuscripts housed in
personal and institutional libraries in south India.
For example in Tamilnadu, Karnataka, and much of southern and coastal
Andhra Pradesh the Sailkaracaryas authorized the
domestication and transformation of "left-handed" practices involving
Tripura and other goddesses, assigning them an advaitic
and, therefore, "right-handed" trajectory. In fact
also the above cited Kumari tradition in Nepal, kumArI-pUjA
or virgin-worship is already mentioned in the Tamil work Cilappatik
Aram w.r.t. the cult of goddess Aiyai.
Yet possession ritual is documented in
China from the mid-first millennium B.C.E. onward, and scholars point to
artistic and epigraphical evidence that might push that date back another
millennium. Most of this speculation revolves around the issue of shamanism,
which, because of cultural variation and lack of perspicacious definitions,
falls prey to the same sort of amorphous characterization (and caricature) as
befalls Tantra.
But Strickmann
and Davis also cite several texts that contain material strongly reminiscent of
Indic and Tibetan avesa and svasthavesa.
Indeed, the Chinese employ the word aweishe, a direct
transcription of avesa, "to designate possession
rites in which a spirit was invoked into the living body of a medium. The term
might also apply to procedures in which the spirit of a living person was
co-opted, so to speak, into the pantheon." (Strickmann
2002, p.208).
According to Strickmann,
the Amoghapafasutra, which was translated from
Sanskrit into Chinese around the end of the seventh century, was the first
Chinese Buddhist text to give instructions for inducing deity possession. It
was at this point, says Strickmann, that a "new
Tantric synthesis was about to become known in China " (Strickmann 2002, p.204).
The purpose of this aweishe
ritual, which invokes Guanyin (= Avalokitesvara), was therapeutic, to heal an
individual suffering from spirit-induced illness.
Some of the cited texts cite children ‘o gaze into a
mirror.’
Davis excerpts part of a Buddhist tantra
that records the possession of a boy by (daozhe) the
monk who wrote the text he stared at. The boy is said to have jumped and flung
about, grabbed a sword, run out of the temple gate until he reach of cow dung,
struck the pile three times with his sword, leads Davis to conclude that in
this episode: we are far from the highly controlled, rarefied, atmosphere of
the Buddhist avesa rites, in which two or more
purified children stood passively before the master amidst incense and
strewn flowers; in which the descent of the divinity a onset of trance were
distinguishable only by the most subtle of signs like cessation of breathing,
unblinking eyes, and a slight reddish tint the pupils; and in which the
children had in essence become living as luminescent, but also as confined, as
the pearl or crystal for which were substitutes. (Davis
2001, p. 128).
The "basic structure of the Tang
rituals of avesa," says Davis, is "the
controlled possession of a boy by a cultic divinity and his subsequent
clairvoyance." (Davis 2001, p. 140)
However this is a feature not only of Himalayan Saiva ta
practice, but of subcontinental Indian devotionalism (bhakti), as evident in
both mid-first-millennium Tamil devotional poetry and contemporaneous Sanskrit
counterparts. It is replicated in the devotional fervor characteristic of
Esoteric Buddhism. The devotional impulse ( bhiiva) expressed most decisively in the Vaisnava literature of the subcontinent (example the
Bhagavata Purana) is heavily implicated in the development of Esoteric
Buddhism.
The procedures for employing children
for divinatory purposes in India thus were not limited to a shadowy presence in
a few obscure, regionally specific texts. This is similar to the situation in China, where it was relatively
widespread, as Davis 's extensive documentation shows. However, even if the
practice was not as widespread in India as in China, corroborative evidence
from other Tantras shows that it spread beyond the confines of a few local
cults. At any rate, knowledge of it appears to have entered
into more mainstream, prescribing three tantric rituals to be performed
on children.
The first states that after cutting the
umbilical cord, the sadhaka (the father?, a hired tantrika?) should inscribe a mantra for Vacaspati, the Lord
of Speech, on the tongue of the newborn child with a sharp blade of diirva grass that had been dipped in gorocana,
an extrusion from the biliary tract of a cow (either a large gallstone or a
bezoar), which is used for tantric and alchemical purposes in India. Upon
reaching the age of eight, the child will then become proficient in all sastras
(sarvasastrajfiata). Purpose
of these offerings, certainly, was to attract spirits or minor deity enter the
child, either permanently or temporarily.
But children may have been used because they were regarded as pure, as em bodiments of moral neutrality,
and because youtl1 itself was regarded as a natural restorative. The single
scrap of supporting evidence for this is found in Kalkin
Pundarika's Vimalaprabha on me Laghukalacakratantra, which specifies that a virgin's (kumarika) success in this ritual, which enables her to
predict events of the past, present, and future based on visions seen in an
oracular mirror (pratisenadarse), is due only in part
to the grace of the guru or presiding acarya. Equally
important is the fact that she has not yet experienced sexual union. Pundarika
rejects the view that it is the acarya's grace (acaryaprasadah) alone that causes the virgin to be
empowered by the deity of the mantra. He suggests, instead, that if the acarya has the ability to empower
the girl, he ought to be able to empower himself as well, thus gaining the
ability to answer questions as an oracle. But this does not occur, notes Pundarlka: The acarya is not able
to generate the visions that produce in himself oracular skill.
However since the democratization in Nepal also more and more
adult women, started to establish themselves as mediums. This has become a new
and viable wage-earning opportunity for women in certain oppressively
patriarchal rural areas of Nepal-not a trivial factor in the general
empowerment offered by possession. Nevertheless, in spite of
similar dynamics of cultural legitimization, the personal empowerment
experienced by New Age trance channelers displays a considerably different
texture from that experienced by women and others of lower social rank in
developing societies whose possession is a temporary expression of social or
political dominance in a general climate of oppression.
Further comparison can be made between
New Age trance channeling and spirit mediumship in developing countries. A
strong difference however in the case of Nepal for example, lie in the
imperatives of need, the synchronicities of oppression, or long-term religious
or spiritual commitment, while the former, New Age channeling workshops and
even correspondence courses, are a "product" arising from media-based
culture (the ready availability of books and videotapes by trance channelers)
and widespread prosperity.
This is rapidly changing however, in
Taiwan, Oceania, and probably South Asia as well the attendance at oracular and
festival possession events today (Dec.2006) are much more a matter of choice
than of local tradition. Thus the fact that possession
and its incumbent empowerment are the rather "natural" property of
the oppressed can now be said to already be disproved, not only in the West
that is.
Searching for Ancient Spirits in Asia: Research Report P.2.
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