After the split with
International President of the T.S., ex-Colonel Olcott, Gaboriau bitterly
declared; all the Theosophical Society had to offer were "hatreds,
personal ambitions, calumnies, feminine gossip" and "national
jealousies," particularly among English Theosophists, who considered
themselves superior to adepts from all other countries. These problems had
become so severe, he wrote, that the Society would only be able to eliminate
them by remaking itself completely. If this type of radical transformation
proved impossible, then it would be better for the Iongterm
spiritual health of mankind to dissolve the organization entirely.
After the
disappearance of the Lotus, Theosophy in France did indeed give way to a new
organization, though not in a manner Gabodau would
have endorsed. Papus, from his new position of
influence, quickly set about laying the groundwork for a separate movement,
which he called Occultisme. By late 1889, Occultism
had a journal of its own, L 'Initiation. A year later, Papus
established a central Occultist organization, the Groupe Indipendant
d'Etudes Esoteriques, and
formally broke with the Theosophical Society. During the next decade, Occultism
expanded, emerging as the most vital heterodox movement in France.
As the title of its
Journal indicated, organized Occultism's primary goal was to create
"Initiates." An initiate, according to the definition Papus elaborated, was anyone who chose to undertake a study
of esoteric wisdom and occult science. The process of initiation, in turn, was
simultaneously social and individualistic. A shared quest for essential truth
necessarily spurred initiates to come together in a "fraternity of
intelligence," Papus wrote, but membership in
this fraternity - which Papus extended to women as
well as men - did not require adherence to a specific set of spiritual
teachings. Instead, the role of- the -Initiatic
society," as he conceived it, was to ---encourage the student to create a
personal doctrine of his own.
However the disagreement
over the proper definition of the term -initiate- sparked a new polemic between
Papus and Blavatsky in 1889 and 1890. For Papus, an Initiate was a person who had begun the search
for Esoteric knowledge; for Blavatsky, the term applied only to those who had
achieved the highest level of spiritual mastery, a group Papus
called adeptes (See L 'Initiaiion,
vol. 2, 1889: 192-199.. and La Revue Theosophique.
vol. 1, no.2 (Apr., 1889): 1-8)
By the end of the
century, French Occultism had come to be associated with subjects as diverse as
Gnosticism, Alchemy, and the study of Hypnosis.
The advent of this
multifarious approach marked a dramatic shift in the nature of French
heterodoxy. Where Spiritism had emphasized adherence to a single doctrine,
Occultism fostered diversity. Where Spiritists prized
the simplicity and modernity of their ideas, Occultists sought out the complex
and the ancient.
One of the
texts that most influentially defined Occultism's "general
principles" for beginning initiates the Traiti Elimentaire de science occulte by
Papus, dated from 1887. Papus
as Gualta before, used the Hermetic concept of
a lost golden age to critique what he saw as the nineteenth century's obsession
with scientific progress and materialist philosophy. In Papus'
view, for example, many of the vaunted discoveries "steam power,
electricity, photography, and all our Chemistry" were well known to the
sages of Greece and Egypt. Indeed, he wrote, the ancients had even
succeeded in surpassing modem achievements: they could produce bolts of
lightning at will, and had discovered a form of color photography.” (Traiti Elimentaire de science occulte, first edition. 1887,18.)
Contemporary science Papus argued, had only been able to devise pale imitations
of these lost achievements, because their reductive materialism had blinded
them to the knowledge the ancients had drawn upon in their study of nature.
Guaita
added a sociological dimension to this epistemological critique. In his view,
the scission between spiritualism and materialism that prevented modem man from
recapturing the knowledge and power of the ancients was in large part a
consequence of growing individualism.
The hermeneutic
technique of analogy, Papus and Guaita
argued, provided the cornerstone of this ancient, unified body of knowledge. By
making nature an emblem for other presences equally real but invisible, analogy
synthesized the epistemologies of science and religion. If an observer accepted
the fundamental Hermetic principle that the world below always corresponded to
the world above, then analogy provided a means of interpreting nature that was
both empirical and metaphysical. (Stanislas de Guaita.
Le Seuil du mystere,
1861.37.)
By observing, for
example, that a telegraph needed an operator in order to produce coherent
messages, Papus demonstrated that the brain required
the presence of the soul - an intelligent force analogous to the telegraph
operator - to produce coherent thoughts. The effectiveness of analogy as a
means of explaining the world, for these two writers, demonstrated the futility
of separating the study of matter from the study of the spirit, as modem
science and metaphysics required. To study matter, after all, was to study the
spirit, since one was the emblem and expression of the other.
For Papus and Gualta, analogy was not
only a technique for interpreting nature, it was a means of controlling it.
Like the generations of mages that had come before them, they believed that the
manipulation of symbols -in talismans and incantations, for example - could
produce irrefutably tangible results. Unlike their older predecessors, but like
their mid-century forebears, both writers drew on the vocabulary of Mesmerism
to explain how these results came about. The universal fluid, in particular, played
a central role in their accounts. As Gualta wrote,
this fluid, referred to esoterically in the Cabala as spiritual light, was
"the central point of the great magic Synthesis." The mage who had
discovered "the law of fluidic tides and universal currents," he
wrote, possessed---the secret of human omnipotence, [ ... ] the practical
formula for the incommunicable Great Arcana.---For Papus
and Guata, in other words, magic was real. In the
hands of those who understood the analogical principles that governed the
universal fluid, they believed, spells and mysterious signs could produce
powerfully tangible material results.
Both Papus and Guaita also emphasized
the fundamentally Christian and French character of the philosophical system
they elaborated. Though all religions taught the same truths, Papus argued, each was specifically suited to the culture
in which it appeared. Therefore, Celts and Westerners, the tradition truly
suited to our minds is the Cabalistic tradition as renewed by Christianity.
This is the same idea
Rudolf Steiner would adapt, especially so after his break with Theosophy in
1913, calling it hence Anthroposophy.
The druids, spiritual
ancestors of the modem-day French, were one of the only, privileged groups to
have perpetuated the primordial traditions of the theocratic empire, which
Saint-Yves had described so evocatively in his Mission des Juifs.
French Occultists, therefore, were uniquely positioned to take advantage of a
deep local reservoir of secret wisdom. The descendents
of the ancient Gauls - even more than the Brahmins of
India - had sorcerers' blood in their veins, Guaita
believed, see also Encausse, Traite,
207.
In his Traite Elimentaire and the
numerous works that followed it, Papus made the ideas
of Occultism seem both impressively mysterious and easily approachable. Guata's approach was considerably, more forbidding. Where Papus emphasized the ease with which esoteric truths could
be grasped, Guaita stressed the dangers the pursuit
of such knowledge entailed. The mysteries of magic, Cabala and religious
esotericism, he wrote, were not to be approached lightly:
High science cannot
be an object of frivolous curiosity: the problem is sacred, many noble heads
have whitened from contemplating it, and the sacrilege of capriciously
importuning the Sphinx never goes unpunished, because such questions carry the
text of their own condemnation. When faced with your indiscreet query, the
Unknown will furnish an unexpected response, one so troubling it will obsess
you forever. The veil of mystery has piqued your curiosity? Woe to you for
raising it! It suddenly drops from your trembling hands, and what you believe
to have seen fills you with panic.
This search for
knowledge was no sterile intellectual endeavor; it was a gripping quest with
extraordinarily high stakes. Those able to live up to the challenge, Guaita wrote, would find themselves in command of powers
beyond their wildest dreams. The mysterious entities that appeared in the
seance room, he wrote, were in fact elemental spirits, or larves,
in which it is possible to see the rudiments of the plastic mediator, lacking
both conscious soul and material body, but able to become visible, and even
tangible, by condensation: thus they assume the form of the beings who approach
them. The occultist (who attracts them, dominates them and directs them with
his own astral body) can give them the appearance of any object at will,
provided he determines the nature of that object mentally, and forcefully
sculpts its contours in his imagination.
What Spiritists believed to be "the shades of
ancestors," then, were in fact concentrations of fluid that could assume
whatever forms their summoners wished.
As Papus and Gualta elaborated it,
then, Occultism appeared to be a thrillingly intense spiritual undertaking.
With the study of analogy, it seemed to provide a timeless way of reconciling
the conflicting demands of science and religion without losing the best
qualities of either; with magic, It offered an exciting new means of directly
experiencing the sacred; and with its privileging of a Western esoteric
tradition, it avoided posing too great a challenge to the fundamentally
Christian religious assumptions French (and in the case of Rudolf Steiner
German speaking) spiritual seekers continued to cherish.
Two secret societies
developed within this group of writers: the Ordre Martiniste,
which Papus founded in about 1887; and Gualta's somewhat older Ordre Kabbalistique
de la Rose Croix. In 1890, Papus and his allies
definitively abandoned the Theosophical Society, creating a public counterpart
to the secret organizations they had already established. This new association
was called the Groupe Indipendant d'Etudes
Esoteriques. It soon overshadowed the Theosophical
Society in France, and became the organizational hub of a rapidly growing
interest in things Occult.
By January 1892, the
regular print run of the Voile d'Isis had reached
10,000 copies, and the Groupe Indipendant
counted seventeen branches throughout France.
As the group
expanded, so did the two secret societies Papus and
his friends had established in the late 1880s.
For members who lived
near Martinist Lodges, initiation and advancement
also involved participation in secret rituals, but these material components
were not absolutely necessary. Provincials could join the Order and advance
within it entirely by correspondence. (For a manuscript describing several of
these secret rituals in detail, see the Bibliotheque Prinicipale de Lyon, fonds Papus
(BNILFP), cote 5.490. 2t.For copies of these manuscripts called cahiers,
see 13NILFP, cote 5,490. 12)
To become an
initiator him or herself, the S: E: needed to copy and interpret three
manuscripts, which described certain key symbols and rituals of the
order. These interpretations received further critiques and commentaries
from a senior member. Once aspiring members had completed this final training,
they ended their pedagogical relationships with their initiators and began
instructing new members on their own. All the individual Lodges to which these
initiators and members belonged, in turn were part of an organization
coordinated by, the Suprime Conseil de l’Ordre Martiniste, which was
affiliated with the Groupe Indipendant and presided
over by Papus.
Though Papus invented its specific rules and organizational
structure, the Martinist Order derived its ideas and
rituals from the writings of the late Eighteenth Century philosopher
Jean-Claude de Saint-Martin, known in France as the philosophe inconnu.
Saint-Martin's thought, as Papus glossed it, was
based on "two great principles:
preservation of the initiatic tradition of Spiritualism, characterized by the
Trinity, and the defense of Christ beyond the confines of any sect.
The second secret society
affiliated with the Groupe Indipendant, Gualta's Ordre Kabbalisiiqite de
la Rose Croix, took a very different approach. Where Martinism
was well-publicized and easy to join, the Ordre Kabbalistique
sought to maintain both secrecy and high barriers to entry.
The order received
regular mentions in L'Itlitiation from 1889 onwards,
but these announcements provided considerably less information than those
concerning Martinism. The Ordre Kabbalislique,
in fact, did not make its entry requirements public until mid-1892.
In 1901, however, the
memoirist Georges Vitoux published the order's secret
constitution, which helps give a sense of the way in which Guaita
conceived the group's mission. To the profane outsider, the constitution
declared, the order would appear to be "a dogmatic and visible society for
the diffusion of Occultism,- much like the Groupe Itidipendant.
In fact, however, the order had a rather more exciting mission: "It is a
secret society of action devoted to individual and mutual support; to the
defense of its members; to the multiplication of their vital forces by
reversibility; to ritining adepts of black- magic;
and finally, to THE STRUGGLE TO REVEAL THE ESOTERIC MAGNIFICENCES THAT ABOUND
IN CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY, BUT OF WHICH IT IS UNAWARE."
The Ordre Kabbalistique, at least in Gualta's
opinion, was a considerably more risky and significant enterprise than it
appeared to be to outsiders. To the uninitiated, this group seemed no different
than any other organization of spiritual seekers eager to discuss ideas and
publicize their beliefs. In fact, however, members of the Order were engaged in
constant struggle with practitioners of black magic; and as their final goal,
they sought nothing less than the transformation of Western religious life through
the revitalization of esoteric Christianity.
As chief organizer of
Occultism, Papus ensured that the colorful rhetoric
these secret societies employed corresponded to an equally colorful reality.
Where Spiritists had tried to make their seances as
much like everyday, life as possible, Papus and his fellow Occultists strove to cultivate a clear
distinction between the sacred and the profane. The meetings of both the Ordre Kabbalistique and the Ordre Martiniste
were full of pageantry, with costumes, secret images, and appropriate
color.
Lucien Mauchel, for example, provided an evocative reminiscence of
the trappings that accompanied examinations for the doctorate of Cabala. The
event took place in a room; "hung with red cloth, barely lit";
the examiners, separated from the student by a thin red curtain, wore red robes
and the white initiatic headdress of the Martinist Order.
As the Groupe Indipendant grew more prosperous, Papus
went to still greater lengths to create an appropriately. mysterious atmosphere,
as a newspaper description of the organization's second headquarters, on the
rue de Savoie, reveals:
The rooms for
courses, meetings and lectures have mysterious inscriptions running along their
walls, between Hermetic symbols, astrological signs and tables of Hebrew and
Sanskrit letters, in an atmosphere of miracle and prophecy. (Le Matin, Nov. 6,
1899,1)
This accessible
flamboyance attracted the attention of the press, which Papus
held by staging an array of public spectacles intended to promote the Groupe Indipendant and its ideas. In October 1890, for example, Papus staged a series of demonstrations at the Salle des Capucines, a popular lecture hall. A journalist described
one of them, in which Papus replicated an experiment.
It involved the transfer of a medium's personality into the body of a volunteer
from the audience. The medium sat across from the volunteer, and took hold of
both his hands. Papus waved a magnetic wand between
the two subjects and then called on the journalist, who came on stage to ask
questions of the medium.` He gave the following account of the ensuing
exchange:
Q. Are you wearing a
flannel undershirt?
A. Now that's a
strange question. What does it matter to you?
Q. I'm curious.
A. (The medium pats
himself and responds) Yes! I am wearing a flannel undershirt.
The medium
subsequently determined that this undershirt had no sleeves and fourteen
buttons, and that the volunteer was also wearing cotton underpants.
According to Papus, it proved both the reality of the universal fluid
and the power of magical techniques - in the form of the wand - to manipulate
it. By the mid- 1890s, these various efforts to gamer publicity had made Papus a celebrity. Journalistic profiles reinforced his
self-created persona: that of the exotic and flamboyant master of secret
knowledge. (Le Journal, Aug. 25. 1893, 2. '36)
Once this persona had
taken shape, Papus emerged as a well-known expert on
things Occult, and was frequently asked to contribute articles to
mass-circulation newspapers. In 1893, for example, he published a series of
articles for the Figaro, introducing his readers to graphology, providing the
recipe for a love potion, and suggesting ways in which a woman could read her
husband's character by looking at his face. When Nicholas II became Czar of
Russia in 1894, the Gaulois commissioned Papus to analyze the new ruler's signature.
In 1898, Papus' growing interest in a healer from a village near
Lyon, Philippe Nizier Vachod,
known as Maitre Philippe, however increasingly
turned him away from the magical due to the influence of Philippe, who Papus would later call his -spiritual teacher. Philippe,
derived his healing powers from simple meditation on the Gospels.
As Papus' interests changed, the Ordre Martiniste
came to occupy an increasingly important place in the Occultist movement, since
the Christian illuminism it espoused meshed quite well with its leader's new
sensibility.
After an ambitious
attempt at reorganization in 1897, which would have turned it into a formally
organized Universite Libre des Hautes Etudes, the
Groupe Indipendant gradually dwindled.` By the mid 1900s, the Martinist Order
had become the central organization of French Occultism, and it would remain so
until Papus' death in 1916. (For an extensive discussion
of the proposed curriculum and structure of this new institution. see L'Initiation, vol. 34. 1897: 170-171, 258-263)
Papus'
thirst for publicity however and the tone of hucksterism he sometimes used when
encouraging people to subscribe to his Journal and join his organization can
seem similarly undignified. Hence Papus and his
Groupe Indipendant become the skeleton in the closet
of the fine de-siecle French Occult vogue.
But Spiritism also
flourished during this period, Since Occultists believed that a single,
fundamentally Christian universal truth existed at the heart of all religious
systems, they felt free to pursue whatever ideas or practices caught their
fancies, from Alchemy, to Hinduism, to the study of phenomena produced in
seances. The last decades of the nineteenth century and first decades of the
twentieth saw a dizzying proliferation of new Spirit Societies and journals.
The growing influence
of Papus and his circle however left Spiritists as followers of Kardec
feeling embattled. But after the catastrophe of the First World War, Occultism
virtually disappeared, and spiritual seekers turned again to Kardec's heirs.
In his quest for
further enlightenment, Leymarie explored a variety of
alternatives, including Anglo Saxon Theosophy and the teachings of J. Roustaing, which Kardec had
condemned nearly twenty-five years before. And left many committed Spiritists nonplussed. As a former contributor to the Revue
Spirite observed, for example, Leymarie's
joining of the Theosophical Society was "something like a Protestant
pastor becoming a devotee of the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Church - the
enemy of Protestantism.
At about the same
time, Leymaric met a wealthy businessman from
Bordeaux named J. Gudrin. Gudrin,
an ardent disciple of Roustaing and executor of the
deceased lawyer's estate, began making donations to the Societe
de la Caisse Centrale in 1881. In 1883, he gave the
society a building in Bordeaux worth 100,000 francs, which was to serve as a Spiritist lecture hall and meeting house. Many of the
society's members seemed to regard Gudnin's growing
influence with trepidation, particularly, in June 1883, when Leymanie sent each of his subscribers a copy of a polemical
pamphlet by Roustaing attacking Kardec's
authoritarianism. (Jean Baptiste
Roustaing, Les Quatre Evangiles Response A ses critiques et ses
adversaircs, 1882, 33.)
The result were a
number of break away organizations. Between 1889 and
1893, five, new national spirit societies appeared. Though the membership of
these groups often overlapped - the indefatigable A. Laurent de Faget, for example, presided over two of them - none were
formally affiliated with one another, or connected to any provincial branches.
At the same time, an increasing number of private, independent study circles
began to appear in Paris. These groups, In turn, publicized their activities in
a growing number of periodicals. In 1897, an eager Spiritist
could subscribe to as many as five national Spiritist
Journals, and could supplement them with local publications from Lyon, Nantes,
Rouen, and Nice.
See also:
Crossing Over P.1: The Making of Spiritism
Crossing Over P.2: Christian Spiritist
Conversion
Crossing Over P.3: Taming the Wild Spirits
Crossing Over P.4: Revelation of the Revelation
Crossing Over P.5: Phenomena on Trial
Crossing Over P.6: Theosophists a Galore
Crossing Over P.8: The Never Ending Story?
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