While esoterica
certainly existed in antiquity (magical papyri or apocalyptic literature, for
instance), their existence hardly justifies "decoding" vague ancient wisdom
from rows of statues or from the proportions of (selected) buildings. In all
of these instances, as in many others, pseudoarchaeology
(also called cult Archeology) begins with a known quantity and stretches it
into the unlikely to conclude the implausible. What is conceivable trumps what
is demonstrable. It must further be remembered that these procedures appear in
combination, in a storm of uncontextualized, exaggerated claims and unlikelihoods, distortions and selections, all masked by
rhetorical tricks and flourishes. The pseudoarchaeologists'
insistence that their claims stand as valid until categorically disproved adds
another level of absurdity to their efforts. The "methods" of pseudoarchaeologists, while superficially resembling
aspects of real inquiry, are in fact gross corruptions of genuine investigative
procedure.
In the final analysis
therefore, the claims of pseudoarchaeology are best
judged by their results. Thereby is the genre's ultimate characteristic
revealed: the zealous pursuit of investigative dead-ends. When, for instance,
it is asserted that familiar ancient civilizations are actually inheritances
from earlier but lost civilizations, the question that appears to be addressed
- "Where does civilization come from?" - is not answered but
deferred. For the next obvious question is: "So where did those earlier
civilizations come from?" But this question cannot be answered or even
approached, since the supposed evidence adduced for the prodigious protocivilizations is either esoteric and untestable
(numerological "encodings" or literal interpretations of myths) or
hidden and inaccessible (under the Antarctic icecap, under the sea, wholly
destroyed by cyclical catastrophes, or in outer space). Ultimately, the pseudoarchaeologists' response to the very important
question "Where did civilization come from'" is to say "From
civilization." a That does not get us very far.
History documents the
futility of pseudoarchaeologistl efforts. The hunt
for lost supercivilizations has been on at least since Donnelly's case for a
historical Atlantis was published in 1882 (although antecedents can be traced
back into the sixteenth century). In the decades since, dozens of locations for
wondrous lost protocultures in the remote past have been postulated covering
most corners of the planet, millions of pages have been printed, dozens of
scenarios proposed and still nor a single site - not a settlement, a burial, a
potsherd, or a hairpin - to show for it. Over this same period, archaeology has
been ongoing across the globe and innumerable sites have been explored, on land
and under water. Many millions of archaeological strata have been uncovered and
documented, and artefacts by the tens of millions have been unearthed,
catalogued, stored, and displayed. Analysis of this huge mass of material has
extended our historical perception back into the deepest recesses of the past.
Yet the museum cases for Atlantean objects remain permanently empty, so let’s
start by taking a look at the why and how of pseudoarchaeology.
Characteristics of attitude
3. Dogged adherence to outdated theoretical models. Since their
scenarios rur. Counter to current archaeological
paradigms, pseudoarchaeologists are forced to plunder
outdated scholarship for their “theoretical” models, such as they are. In this
way, they embrace as central features of their scenarios notions like (hvper)diffusiomsm (that all the
world’s civilizations spread from a single source) or catastrophism (that
cataclysmic natural events generate historical change). They are not above
resorting to entirely disproven ideas. Earth crustal displacement (ECD) was a
geological model championed by C.H. Hapgood, who held
that the weight of the polar icecaps sporadically caused the Earth’s crust to
be dragged over its internal core, moving poles and continents around in
terrific catastrophes (and destroying early civilizations in the process). ECD
was rendered untenable by the verification of continental drift through plate
tectonics in the late 1960s (an extremely slow process with movement of about
1-2 cm per year), yet ECD is invoked in several recent “alternative” works,
notably by Graham Hancock. (See Graham Hancock’s Fingerprints of the Gods,
Robert Bauval and Graham Hancock reiterate some of
the central tenets of the lost civilization belief system.)
A distinct advantage
of catastrophism lies in its ability to generate more dramatic narratives than
the apparently mundane archaeological hypotheses offered to explain the
appearance of civilization by independent invention or its disappearance by
gradual and impersonal forces (climate change, shifting demographics,
environmental degradation, etc.). And pseudoarchaeology
is constantly in search of the most appealing story (see #4).
The mode of
deployment of such models in pseudoarchaeology
matters more than their mere existence. Diffusionism in itself is not
inherently implausible; indeed, it is verifiable in many instances where
traits (like languages) have been transferred between cultures, and continue to
be. Likewise, natural catastrophes do happen, and they do cause massive damage,
although they hardly erase all traces of entire civilizations – quite the
opposite, in fact (see the archaeologically fortunate results of the volcanic
eruptions of Vesuvius or Thera). What is different in pseudoarchaeological
presentations is that these localized processes are moved from the particular
to the general, so that they become overarching models to be applied in
all-or-nothing dramatic narratives.
The enthusiastic
catastrophist Robert Schoch, for instance, rather like Immanuel Velikovsky before him, believes that many instances of
historical change were caused by cometary impacts: Chinese dynasties collapsed,
crusades were initiated and migrations sparked when comets hit the planet, or
threatened to. Schoch invokes demonstrated instances of diffusionism, such as
the spread of Indo-European languages across the western Eurasia landmass, to
support a far broader and more unlikely global dispersal of pyramids across the
Pacific and Atlantic oceans. This is neither believable diffusionism nor
convincing catastrophism. Its insidious feature is that it begins with
demonstrated or uncontested phenomena and extends them into crass implausibilities. Readers are easily carried along unless they
are informed and very alert to the subtle shifts as the presentation unfolds.
2. Disparaging
academia. Suspicion of scholars is a longstanding feature of the genre that
goes back to Augustus le Plongeon (1825-1908) and his
imaginings about the lost continent of Mu. It often manifests itself as
sarcastic contempt for what such writers call “academic’ or “orthodox” or
“conventional” archaeology. Egyptology is a favorite whipping boy. “If you
think of Egyptologists at all,” writes tour guide and “alternative” speculator
John Anthony West, “the chances are you conjure up a bunch of harmless pedants,
supervising remote desert digs or sequestered away in libraries, up to their
elbows in old papyrus.” Hancock’s language is also virulent, as he disparages
the “astigmatic archaeologist sieving his way through the dust of the ages”.
Even Robert Schoch, himself an academic, is not immune. He declares at one
point that experimental archaeologist Thor Heyerdahl was not “the kind to
remain hanging around libraries, blowing dust off old books and drafting
hypotheses”. This jaundiced view of academia resonates with popular stereotypes
of scatty professors ruminating over irrelevancies
and finds echo in the words of the genre’s readers and supporters (the Internet
offers countless examples). Among them, it is not unusual to find it accepted
as a matter of uncontested fact that universities are closed clubs, where
novices advance by regurgitating the tired “opinions” of their instructors,
where no one is willing to countenance being wrong, and where faculty are
afraid to question the tenets of “orthodoxy” for fear of being fired. Extreme
versions hint at dark conspiracies seeking to keep from the public the terrible
truth about prehistory (whatever that may be). Since, in this world view,
academics are scared rigid by the pioneering work of “alternative” writers,
the opposition of university-trained critics is interpreted as proof that the pseudoarchaeological speculators are on to something. The
circularity of the caricature is impeccable.
This whole nexus of
combative attitudes is encapsulated in the view of academia as a religion that
passes its dogma down from teacher to student and ruthlessly stamps out
opposition by inquisitorial means, especially when challenged from without. In
an “Open Letter” posted to Graham Hancock’s website in November 2000, retired
engineer Robert Bauval, Hancock’s occasional
collaborator, had this to say:
For decades the
scientific and academic community has had an open field and held the floor on
all issues related to the history of mankind. Archaeologists, Egyptologists,
philologists, chemists, anthropologists, physicists and many more other-ists than I care to enumerate, have arrived at an
established view about the past and have set out their rules and their methods
to investigate it. They have formed a massive and global network through
universities, museums, institutes, societies and foundations. And this immense
powerhouse and clearing-house of knowledge has presented their {sic} dogma of
history to the general public totally unhindered and unchallenged from the
outside … It was high time that some of the “established” views be challenged,
but not in the dark halls of academia and the Jargonloaded
verbiage of peer-reviewed journals, but in the wide open air, under the eyes of
the public … On a more sinister note: now this “church of science” has formed a
network of watchdog organisations such as CSICOP and
The Skeptical Society [sic] (to name but a few) in order to act as the
gatekeepers of the truth (as they see it), ready to come down like the
proverbial ton of bricks on all those whom they perceive as “frauds,”
“charlatans,” and “pseudo-scientists” – in short, heretics.
Many political
advantages flow from adopting this stance. All good stories benefit from a
villain, and pseudoarchaeologists like to position
themselves as the powerless and heroic underdogs tackling a faceless and
arrogant establishment. Their ideas gain a certain romantic cachet thereby.
The reconstruction of the past pieced together by decades of meticulous
archaeology and grounded in masses of physical evidence can be dismissed
without exposition as “opinion” or “dogma,” and dramatic alternatives
suggested. Academic critiques of “alternative” scenarios can be diverted into
an examination of the critic’s motives, and by definition those motives cannot
be anything other than mean-spirited, closed-minded, and authoritarian.
University credentials in archaeology thus become the basis for suspicion of a
critic: expertise is the prima facie reason for rejecting expert analysis. As
the underdog, the speculator can combine the roles of martyr and liberator,
oppressed for their beliefs but struggling gamely to break the chains of
“orthodox” thinking. Von Daniken’s call to arms is
typical: “It is no longer possible to block the roads to the past with dogmas”.
The air of both self-pity and indignant righteousness that hangs about these
works stems from this manufactured political confrontation with academia.
This is not to suggest
that there have been no scandals in the history of universities, or that
powerful personalities have never sought to suppress notions they see as
challenging their ideas. But such tactics work only for a time. In reality,
universities exist to embrace constant questioning and criticism, and champions
of new paradigm-shifting discoveries are not held under house arrest or subject
to inquisitorial orders of silence. Quite the opposite: if revolutionary
theories stand the test of scrutiny and criticism, their authors rocket to the
tops of their professions. In such an atmosphere, new and justified discoveries
cannot be systematically suppressed indefinitely: someone, somewhere will make
use of them, if for no other reason than to advance their own careers. People
do not win Nobel prizes in science for rehashing established knowledge. Far
from paying a terrible price, overthrowers of scholarly “orthodoxy” earn
terrific rewards. Indeed, the very claim of “orthodoxy” in the case of
archaeology is especially absurd, as it reduces an active scholarly community
marked by major divergences of opinion on scores of issues to an imagined
monolithic “church” seeking to preserve its privileged position by suppressing
dissent. It is a mirage, conjured before the eyes of their readership in order
to give the pseudoarchaeologists a political
advantage when confronting their critics.
3. Appeal to academic
authority. In a startling volte face, pseudoarchaeologists
often gleefully parade support for their ideas from people with academic
credentials and affiliations, wherever they can be found. It seems irrelevant
to them that such a raw appeal to authority contravenes their favored picture
of universities as churches of doctrine, or that the trumpeted credentials and
affiliations are nearly always in areas well outside the subjects being
addressed. For example, Hancock several times reminds us that ECD was ringingly endorsed by Albert Einstein in a 1953 letter to
Charles Hapgood; Einstein even gets his own index
entry). However, Einstein was not a geologist, and he died before the process
of plate tectonics, which preclude ECD, had been appreciated. Similarly, Schoch
is careful to cite the academic affiliations of people he invokes as supporting
some part of his diffusionist scenario. In this way, the pseudoarchaeologists
hail specific scholars’ qualifications when it suits them while denigrating the
credentials of hundreds of professional archaeologists, whose work they
rubbish. Nobody said that pseudoarchaeology had to be
consistent.
Characteristics of procedure
4. Huge claims. Pseudoarchaeologists do not publish books or host television
programs arguing that the Late Minoan period needs to be down-dated by a
decade or two, or that certain classes of ancient pots might. have served some
arcane symbolic function. Rather, as the opening paragraphs of this chapter
attest, their claims are spectacular and history-altering. Once more, the mode
of presentation is what matters. Without far-reaching claims put forward and
verified, knowledge of the past would not have advanced in the ways it has over
the past century. However, it is in the matter of verification that the
epoch-making claims of pseudoarchaeology have failed
over this same period. There comes a time when an unverified claim that
repeatedly fails testing stops being a viable possibility and starts being an
article of faith. This is demonstrably the case with most pseudoarchaeological
scenarios about lost continents, alien civilizers, or secret brotherhoods of
priestly puppetmasters pulling the strings of
history. None of these ideas has yielded an iota of verifiable evidence,
despite over a century of questing for it. As a result, pseudoarchaeological
"evidence" has to be manufactured from whatever sources are to hand (see
#6 and #8).
5. Selective and or
distorted presentation. Pseudoarchaeological
scenarios are characterized by a systematically selective presentation of the
evidence, ancient and modern. This is often combined with serious
misrepresentation of known facts, making such work at best dubious, at worst
deceitful. Items from the ancient past that seem to suit their claims are
offered up, and the rest are ignored. A quote from an occasional academic paper
or a maverick work is cited as support for specific claims, without indication
that the paper is outdated, or that the author retracted the claim later, or
that the quote has been misunderstood or cited out of context. Speculators will
often assert that mysteries remain unsolved when in fact they have long been
solved (e.g., the claim that Egyptian civilization appeared overnight,
fully-formed, or they will present as mysterious and ill-understood sites or
artefacts that have been extensively studied. While our knowledge of the
ancient past will always be patchy due to the nature of the evidence for it,
the depth of pseudoarchaeological misrepresentation
extends far beyond what is justified by this fact.
Two examples from
Hancock (1995) will suffice as illustrations. One of the first claims
encountered in Fingerprints of the Gods is that Antarctica was ice-free very
recently and that it is depicted as such in early Renaissance maps, maps that
are then projected back into the deep past by a presumed process of
transmission. "The best recent evidence," writes Hancock,
"suggests that Queen Maud Land [on Antarctical,
and the neighbouring regions shown on the map [drawn
by Turkish admiral Piri Reis in 1513, passed through a long ice-free period
which may not have come completely to an end until about six thousand years
ago" (Hancock 1995: 4). Endnote 2 of Fingerprints substantiates this
extraordinary claim by referring the reader to Charles Hapgood's
1966 book, Maps of the Ancient Sea Kings. The extensive studies of the
Antarctic icecap conducted by American, Russian, and international teams of
scientists over the preceding decades - which reveal the ice to be hundreds of
thousands of years old and which were available to Hancock when he was writing
Fingerprints - go entirely unmentioned. Instead, a maverick book published
almost thirty years earlier is presented to readers as "the best recent
evidence" available to Hancock in the early 1990s for the age of the
Antarctic ice. But the reader would have to check his notes and do some
independent research to discover this fact.
Elsewhere, Hancock
discusses the ancient Bolivian city of Tiwanaku (also
spelled "Tiahuanaco"), which he presents as tremendously mysterious
and suggests may date to 17,000 years ago (Hancock 1995: 62-92). In a 1999
interview with a BBC production team, Hancock states: "I think what's
important to stress about Tiahuanaco is that this is a mysterious site about
which very little is known. Minimal archaeology has been done over the
years". In fact, dozens of studies of Tiwanaku
had been published in the years preceding Hancock's pronouncement; the place
was carbon-dated by three collections of samples made in the 1950s, 1980s, and
1990s. The results were mutually consistent and indicated that the earliest
possible occupation had occurred around 1500 BC; major excavations were
conducted and published by Alan Kolata of the
University of Chicago. These studies have yielded much information about Tiwanaku, its interaction with the surrounding region, and
its wider place in Andean history. But in the interests of constructing a great
"mystery" surrounding the site, Hancock denies this state of
understanding and presents Tiwanaku as a place
"'about which very little is known." To a degree, this could be
claimed about any archaeological site insofar as there are many aspects of it
that will forever elude us. Such is the nature of the beast. But this more
formed, or they will present as mysterious and ill-understood sites or
artefacts that have been extensively studied. While our knowledge of the
ancient past will always be patchy due to the nature of the evidence for it,
the depth of pseudoarchaeological misrepresentation
extends far beyond what is justified by this fact.
This sort of
selective and distorted presentation of evidence thoroughly pervades works of pseudoarchaeology. Professor Schoch, for instance, twice
describes marine biologist turned diffusionist speculator Barry Fell as an
"epigraphir" when Fell had no training in
reading ancient inscriptions, and his epigraphic expertise did not extend to
detecting manifest fakes or distinguishing man-made inscriptions from scratches
on stone made by ploughs. Documenting every transgression in such a mode of
presentation, even in a single book of the genre, would take hundreds of pages.
However, the examples discussed here are entirely typical of what happens when
an apparently factual claim in these works is put to the test. Invariably, it
is found that quotes are presented out of context, critical countervailing data
is withheld, the state of, understanding is misrepresented, or critical
archaeological information about context is ignored. It is telling for the
validity of their case that these are the means by which the pseudoarchaeologists are forced to advance their
propositions.
6. The
--kitchen-sink" mode of argument. It is typical for pseudoarchaeological
works to range widely over numerous fields of human knowledge. Hancock's and
Schoch's books derive arguments from the following disciplines at various
junctures: general archaeological method and theory; the history of and
regional archaeology in the Andes, Mesoamerica, North America, Europe, China,
Cambodia, Indonesia, and Polynesia; Egyptology; anthropology; prehistory; art
history; ancient epigraphy; comparative global mythology; comparative religion;
philology; linguistics; mathematics; astronomy; and geophysics. These are just
the fields that I could readily identify; I am sure I have missed others. It is
pertinent here to recall Robert Bauval's belief,
cited above (p. 32), that academics have "presented their dogma of history
to the general public totally unhindered and unchallenged from the
outside." The underlying assumption is that the general public is
saturated by unchallenged "orthodox" knowledge, and it is the
"alternative" movement's job to challenge that saturation. But it is
patently absurd to imagine that a general reader could be so well informed
about recent developments in so broad a spectrum of specialized fields as to be
able to assess the falsity or validity of specific claims pilfered from so many
of them. As a result, he or she will be readily convinced by an apparently
impressive body of selected "evidence" seemingly drawn from rigorous
scholarly disciplines and set in a dramatic narrative. This is what I call the
"kitchen-sink" mode of argument, and it seems designed to overwhelm
the reader by sheer weight of data rather than the quality of its particulars.
For all its apparent Catholicism, however, pseudoarchaeology
again and again visits a canonical suite of "mysterious" sites (the
Nazca lines, Macchu Picchu, Teot1huacan, Easter
Island, etc.) and reviews the same "mysterious" myths (flood myth, Popol Vuh, etc.) so that the kitchen-sink mode of argument
also shares many features with the recycling plant.
7. Vague definitions.
The genre is unconcerned to define clearly what it is looking for. Key terms
like "civilization," resident in the subtitles of many pseudoarchaeology books, are either undefined or so loosely
characterized as to be useless. This adds, at the outset, whole strata of
vagueness and imprecision to the speculators' efforts. While problematic for
those who expect intellectual rigor in their history, vagueness offers major
advantages to the pseudoarchaeologist, since it
allows great scope for forging links where they are unlikely to exist.
Professor Schoch embarks on a quest for the origins of pyramids but offers only
the slimmest definition of what constitutes a "pyramid" in the first
place: (1) a spirituality, and (2) an "architecture of mass" marked
by "little or no interior space". The profound imprecision of this
definition allows him to include in the category "pyramid" not only
the familiar structures of the Egyptians, Maya, or Aztecs but also such
non-pyramidal monuments as the round tumulusand-passage
grave at Newgrange in Ireland (c. 3500 BC), the round mound of Silbury Hill in England (perhaps c. 2000 BC), the earthen
mounds/platforms of the Mississippi valley (c. 700 BC-AD 800), Javanese
Buddhist temple complexes (eighth century AD), and the vast Khmer monumental
assemblages at Angkor in Cambodia (tenth-thirteenth centuries AD). It is hard
to imagine structures so different in every category of analysis: style, scale,
location, form, function, construction materials and techniques, cultural
context, and chronology.4 But, for Professor Schoch, they are all
"pyramids," and he is free to compare and link them at will, in whole
or in part. (Note, by the way,, the supreme disregard for context displayed by
such comparisons.)
8. Superficiality.
sloppiness. and grorssnes. of comnparison.
The pseudoarchaeological penchant for making
connections is as impressive as it is pointless. In a series of protracted
investigations, Hancock trawls through obscure myth after obscure myth to
"show" that geographically disparate cultures share common mythic
imagery and motifs - and so also a common source. Often, tales are read as
accurate accounts of historical events, so that mythic fables of floods or
golden ages become euhemerisric records of once-real
conditions. Professor Schoch posits a "mythic link" underlying all
the pyramids on the planet, a link based on spirituality and stories of the sun
and sky gods and serpents and water. The attraction of myth and religion to the
pseudoarchaeologist is not hard to comprehend. These
fields present a smorgasbord of potentially linkable categories: motifs and
images, words and phrases, characters and personalities, numbers and symbols,
rituals and practices. Armed with a ruthlessly selective approach to the
evidence and divested of any requirement to consider issues of context, the pseudoarchaeologist is free to run riot through world myth
cycles and religious traditions and to make as many apparent connections as the
imagination can conjure up. Their proposed connections are marked by
superficiality (no regard for context or nuance) and sloppiness, the latter
chiefly manifested in slippage of compared categories. Thus an image here can
be linked to a mythic character there, which in turn is reminiscent of a ritual
found somewhere else, and all three locations are thereby connected. In fact,
this same sloppiness marks their treatment of all categories of evidence. Aside
from myths, buildings and artefacts are fair game (see Professor Schoch's
comparison of hugely divergent monuments as "pyramids"), as are
iconography and artistic styles. In each instance, slippage of compared
categories, superficiality of analysis, and grossness of comparison are the
order of the day.
9. Obsession with esoterica.
The conviction that matters of deep importance are masquerading as mundanities
infuses the genre. Thus pseudoarchaeologists love to
go around "decoding" ancient messages from all manner of material.
Myths and legends are very useful in this connection, as are writing systems,
iconographies, site plans, and building dimensions; even the number of statues
in the ranks and columns of the famous Chinese terracotta army can be
"decoded". Almost any evidence from the past can be presented as
harboring esoteric information if only one has the will to see it. By
"decoding" modern cityscapes - which include such mysterious features
as ancient Egyptian obelisks (in Paris or Rome) and the glass pyramid at the
Louvre - it has recently been claimed that devotees of a secret religion have
been working clandestinely for the past 2,000 years to shape world events
(Hancock and Bauval, Talisman, 2004). Ingenuity,
patience, and complete conviction are the essential tools of such endeavors.
Reality need not impinge.
An excellent example
of commitment to esoterica is the so-called Orion correlation theory (OCT), by Bauval and Hanckock. The
unspectacular observation that the three main pyramids at Giza resemble the
three belt stars of the constellation Orion was worked up into a grand scheme
that pointed back to a date of 10,500 BC (10,450 BC in earlier manifestations)
and suggested matters of deep spiritual importance. The original OCT argued for
a wider pyramid map of Orion that included monuments beyond Giza, and there was
much talk of exact, faultless, and unbelievable mathematical precision in the
star-to-pyramid alignments that bespoke a profound astronomical knowledge on
the part of the elusive Giza master planners (Hancock 1995: 356). The
subsequent history of the OCT is complicated, but it is a story of steady
retreat. An implied eleventh-millennium BC construction date for the pyramids
(ibid.: 304-6) was retracted when it was shown to be logically impossible; the
"wider plan" OCT was retracted when the non-Giza pyramids were shown
not to match up with stars in Orion-, and claims of faultless mathematical
precision in the correlations have mutated into the markedly vaguer claim that
the OCT was "a grand symbolic statement that was supposed to be understood
on a spiritual and intuitive level." Although the "facts" of the
OCT have sustained severe damage, the overall scheme remains in place as a
monument to its proponents' unshakable commitment to esotericism. Hancock, in
fact, has used the OCT as a model for proposing monumental star maps in
Mesoamerica and Cambodia, but, strangely, his subsequent work makes little use
of this formerly core characteristic of his Lost Civilization.
In a similar manner,
symbolist interpretations of Egyptian hieroglyphs, rendered meaningless by the
actual decipherment of the writing system nearly two centuries ago, persist
even today. Devotion to esotericism also stands behind the tedious
number-crunching that marks many of these works, as supposedly significant
numbers are extracted from the proportions of monuments or from site plans or
from the contents of myths by means of tortured arithmetic. The numbers thus
"discovered" can be correlated across categories to forge all sorts
of links. Unsurprisingly, the Great Pyramid is a frequent victim of such numerological
somersaults, an esoteric tradition that goes back to the movements of
Freemasonry and Rosicrucianism. It is an added bonus for this procedure that
the modern age of computers and technology assigns a particular authority, to numbers.
Pseudoarchaeological numerical
"discoveries" may thus appear to be self-evidently valid and so quite
above historical justification.
The obsession with
esoterica also explains the pseudoarchaeological love
affair with anomalies. Again and again, inexplicable "mysteries" and
anomalous artefacts are paraded before the reader as evidence both for the
ignorance of "orthodox" archaeology (which has trouble explaining
them) and for the possibility that hidden landscapes lie behind the familiar
facade of history. Given the misleading presentation of evidence in such works,
all claimed anomalies ought to be checked thoroughly. Certainly, there are
unsolved problems in archaeology, but the degree of mystery is often
significantly inflated in pseudoarchaeological works.
A classic example is the huge animal figures and complex patterns inscribed on
the surface of the Nazca Plain in Peru. Since we have very little evidence from
the culture that created them - their construction dates are fixed by ceramic
analysis to between c. 200 BC and AD 600 - the intended function of the lines
remains a matter of uncertainty to archaeology, although several plausible
hypotheses have been advanced to explain them. For "alternative"
archaeologists, however, the Nazca lines are landing sites for spaceships or
encoded messages from lost Atlantis. Ignoring clues from the local context, the
lines are treated as if they defy all rational analysis (which they do not),
and wild speculations are offered up as reasonable explanations. To establish
pre-Columbian transatlantic and transpacific visits to the Americas stretching
back into the last Ice Age but ongoing through the Phoenicians, Africans,
Celts, Hebrews, Romans, Polynesians, and Chinese, Professor Schoch collects a
body of data that is a riot of odd finds and superficial correlations heaped on
top each other, far too varied and zany to be surveyed here. Conspicuously
absent is precisely the sort of archaeological deposit that would be expected
if transoceanic contact was indeed as frequent and as varied as Professor
Schoch proposes, namely assemblages of firmly dated pre-Columbian Old World
objects in New World contexts (or vice versa). This is the sort of evidence
turned up by archaeology in other instances of cultural contact, which includes
even the very brief Norse sojourn in Newfoundland around AD 1000. Since
Professor Schoch cannot point to any such finds, he has to rely instead on
stray oddities and uncontextualized anomalies that supposedly point to vast
hidden histories.
10. A farrago of
failings. A host of lesser vices characterizes the genre, most generated by the
attitudes and procedures just reviewed. It would be impossible to catalogue
them all here, but a sample will illustrate the problem. Logical fallacies
abound, especially the inversion of the burden of proof and the appeal to
authority (see #3). If specific claims go unaddressed by critics or are not
"conclusively disproved," to use a popular comeback, they are
considered valid. But the burden of proof rests not on the critic but on the
claimant. Likewise, the modern writers' mere ability to chart patterns is
presented as evidence for their speculations, when not a shred of actual
evidence exists to suggest that, for instance, the pyramid builders set out to "mirror"
starry Orion with terrestrial monuments, let alone "encode" the date
10,500 BC (or 10,450 BC) in them. Mystery-mongering is rampant, even to the
point of making unsubstantiated allegations backed by dubious authority.
Hancock spends three pages suggesting that quarry marks on the stones in the
Great Pyramid, marks that effectively prove that the pyramid was built by the
pharaoh Khufu, were forged by Englishman Howard Vyse
in 1837. He cites a book by spacemen-built-the-pyramids proponent Zecharia Sitchin in support. This
is really grasping at straws, especially since Hancock more or less admits the
"conventional" dating of the pyramids to 2500 Bc
a few pages later. If so, why bring up the specious allegations against Vyse, if not in the interests of raw mysterymongering?
Consistency is another casualty of pseudoarchaeological
speculations. We are asked to accept that Tiwanaku -
at 12,600 feet (3,850 m) above sea level one of the most elevated
archaeological sites in the world - is a city of Hancock's Lost Civilization
(see #5). But this clashes with the proposition that the evidence for this same
civilization was submerged by a sea-level rise of just 400 feet at the end of
the last Ice Age.
While all good
writing uses rhetorical skill in its presentation, pseudoarchaeological
works employ a battery of rhetorical strategies not in the service of a
coherent argument but as a replacement for it. Suggestions are raised as
possibilities in one place and resurrected later as established facts.
Rhetorical questions are a favorite means of planting odd notions in the
reader's head or shrouding well-studied sites in fogs of mystery: "Can it
be coincidence that ... ?"; "Is it inconceivable that ... ?";
"Can it be ruled out that ... ?" False analogies and weak arguments
from "common sense" are constantly resorted to.
Another feature of
the genre is the invocation of supposedly "hard" sciences in support
of arguments that those sciences are largely unfit to substantiate. This
procedure may be considered a combination of an appeal to authority (#3) and mispresentarion of known facts (#5). Thus the authority of
mathematics is summoned to validate numerological specularions
marked by arbitrary and preposterous calculations (see #9). Likewise, the
astronomical fact of precession is called on to demonstrate the star map
"redating"' of the ancient monuments at Giza or Tiwanaku
or Angkor to excessively ancient eras. But the essential monument-to-star
connection is not firmly- established for ancient times; its raw identification
in the mind of the speculator is deemed its own justification, regardless of
whether it fails to apply to other monuments of the same type or if a pitiless
selectivity is required to make the "correlations" fit. For example,
the Great Sphinx at Giza has been redated to very early epochs on the basis of
one geologist's opinion that it was weathered predominantly by rainwater and
not by wind and sand. Since Egypt has been arid at least since 5000 BC, the
argument goes, the Sphinx must predate the Egyptians and the traditional date
of c. 2500 BC. This, too, is an attempt to coopt the authority of a
"hard" science (geology) in support of "alternative"
historical claims. In fact, geology is singularly unsuited as an archaeological
dating tool, since its chronological depth vastly exceeds that of human
history, and the rate at which rocks erode is subject to too many variables for
it to be used as a "clock" to date relatively recent man-made
monuments. Several other explanations for the erosion patterns on the Sphinx
and its enclosure are available that accommodate the traditional,
archaeologically established date and historical context of the monument. In
contrast, a pre-Egyptian Sphinx lacks any archaeological context whatsoever -
itself a crushing observation (Jordan 1998). The "precipitation-induced-erosion"
proposal is thus unnecessary and is yet another example of modern speculation
being offered up as if it were hard fact.
11. Expectation of a reward at quest' end. The purpose of all this speculative
effort is the expectation that some great benefit will emerge at quest's end.
Unfortunately, the pay-off is usually couched in distressingly vague terms,
with dark intimations of imminent disaster or the happier prospect of recovering
lost ancient wisdom. Hancock, for instance, suggests that his beloved Lost
Civilization left star maps of monuments and encoded information in myths and
folk tales as a testament to their existence and a warning to future
generations of what can happen when Earth crustal displacement takes place.
What exactly we are supposed to do in preparation for ECD is not made clear -
correlate terrestrial monuments with stars, it seems. The ancient-wisdom motif
makes an appearance in strikingly religious passages about the Lost Civilization's
"science of immortality and vague hints of great spiritual discoveries
that may emerge from his inquiries. Professor Schoch's quest ends on an equally
gloomy but no more precise note: pyramids teach us about cometary impacts and
their effects on people - although civilization can be snuffed out in an
instant, pyramids stand as reminders of its existence for future generations.
Once more, it is not immediately obvious how pyramid-derived knowledge about
cometary impacts might be of use to us in the here and now. But failing that,
discovering the true origins of pyramids "offers the prospect of better
knowing who we are", which is at least comforting.
Conclusion: Summing
it all up, pseudoarchaeology is not to be understood
in isolation. It is also related to the wider phenomenon of pseudohistory, and
both pseudoarchaeology and pseudohistory are part of
a broader pattern of pseudoscience. The principles and practices of pseudoarchaeology sit on the other side of a vast abyss
from intellectually honest inquiry. Pseudoarchaeology
therefore cannot be considered a real "alternative" to archaeology or
viewed as a storehouse of good ideas in waiting. Even as it dons the mantle of
scholarship, it remains the very antithesis of rational analysis. In reality, it
is a clearinghouse for any number of magical, mythical, irrational, or more
sinister motifs. While these motifs may be popular and psychologically
appealing, that does not make them valid. Pseudoarchaeology
is exactly what the moniker captures: a travesty and a sham.
But, pseudoarchaeology is not restricted to fringe fantasies
about pyramid-building extraterrestrials, antediluvian sunken civilizations, or
entrepreneurial survivors of catastrophe bringing the light of high culture to
the four corners of the globe. Also nationalistic impulses can demand that the
past be rewritten to conform to predetermined agendas.7
There is nothing
inevitable about this process, insofar as nations do not necessarily engage in
the fantastical revision of their history, but when given free rein, a guiding
nationalist ideology embeds an essential dishonesty at the heart of historical
investigation: it requires that potentially productive avenues of inquiry be
closed off as politically (or religiously or ideologically) unconscionable
while others be favored solely on the basis of their alignment with the
preferred agenda. Such attitudes fertilize the pseudoarchaeological
weed.
In the past, European
colonialists could not countenance that native "savages" had built
impressive monuments without pale-skinned instructors to help them out. So it
is disconcerting, even in books published today, to find talk of white, bearded
"Viracochas" bringing the gift of
civilization to the gormless natives of ancient Peru
(to take but one example). On the other side of the coin, modern jingoistic
movements in postcolonial contexts often require that the national achievement
remain "pure" and uncontaminated by "foreign" influences.
Both phenomena afford glimpses at an ugly face of pseudoarchaeology,
one that serves ethnocentric or even openly racist agendas. (It is highly
instructive - and supremely ironic - that modern "native"
nationalisms should employ investigative methods analogous to those of their
erstwhile colonial oppressors. The methods of pseudoarchaeology
are useful to propagandists, regardless of their specific agendas.)
None of this is to
claim that purveyors of pseudoarchaeology are
inherently racist, but they may be unwitting vessels for messages with
distinctly unattractive resonance. It is pertinent here that pseudoarchaeology is an outlet for ideas drawn from
outdated scholarship, proposals that were originally formulated in different
times, under less tolerant socio-cultural systems. In rehashing discredited
ideas for the contemporary public, pseudoarchaeological
screeds risk smuggling into the modern forum certain sets of assumptions best
left in the past.
A good example of
such assumptions is hyperdiffusionism, which is part
of the furniture in most pseudoarchaeological scenarios.
It is particularly prominent in those promoted by nationalist programs, since
the favored nation can be presented as the crucible of regional high
achievement, or worse, of global civilization. The supposition here is that
only one nation or people originated great things, which then diffused to the
less creative populations. The direction of the alleged hyperdiffusion
is irrelevant; the initial assumption is what matters. Thus the Egyptians
actually got their pyramids from the Greeks, or vice versa; Hindu India is the
font of all worthwhile culture; or, perhaps less aggressively, the Celts
conveniently provide Europeans with a shared ancestry at a time when the
continent is seeking greater integration.9 Other movements naturally spring to
mind, such as Afrocentrism, the contention that white Europeans
"stole" their culture from black Africans - as if culture were some
unitary commodity that can be packaged and pilfered by one people at the
expense of another. (Acculturation is in fact far more complex than that, and
it is never completely unidirectional.) Another example is the notion of a
prehistoric, matriarchal, and egalitarian paradise presided over by a Mother
Goddess, which was subsequently overthrown by hierarchical and patriarchal
societies worshiping male deities. (But why should the gender of a deity
reflect anything about how a society functions?) While we may empathize with
the desire of the marginalized to have their voices heard in the halls of
history, it is surely very much in their interests that the content of their
claims be valid and verifiable rather than dubious or demonstrably false. The
truth is surely preferable to the snake-oil promises of ideological
myth-making, whether it be nationalistic, or ethnic-, race- or gender-oriented,
and no matter how temporarily uplifting or edifying the myth may seem. All
peoples have contributed to the vast tapestry of the human experience; to
assign to only one the role of sole designer and weaver is pure hubris.
The public appeal of pseudoarchaeology is a multifaceted cultural and
psychological phenomenon. A variety of cognitive styles and sociological
processes are at work in driving some intellectually curious persons into the
arms of the pseudohistorical gurus. Individual differences certainly play a
central role, in that pseudoscientific scenarios will tend to appeal to
fantasy-prone personalities and to those who adopt a suspicious stance with
regard to the "establishment," usually conceived in monolithic terms.
Conspiratorial thinking is often rife among people like this, who can readily
convince themselves that they are the true skeptics and questioners, that they
alone have the inside track, while lamenting that everyone else is hoodwinked
by the ivory tower and its dark-suited backers in government. But the problem
far outstrips such individual outlooks. Wider cultural trends - distrust of
science and reason as a whole, heightened public religiosity, rising
fundamentalism, to name a few - influence the attitudes of many who are not necessarily
fantasy-prone conspiracy theorists. Another facet of the problem is the
long-recognized public relations problem of "liberal science,"
broadly defined. Rational scholarship of the sort conducted by university
scholars of all stripes is too often seen by the public as elitist, coldly
arrogant, and utterly convinced of its own omniscience. There appears, then,
to be a nexus of psychological and socio-cultural factors that renders the
field of public perception fertile ground for conmen, charlatans, and the
purveyors of nonsense.
Also, the complicity
of professional archaeologists in the promulgation of pseudoarchaeology,
even if largely unintentional, is better acknowledged than denied. I am not
thinking here of the less than glorious past of the discipline, when frankly
racist ideas were embraced in accordance with the tenor of the times. Rather,
when it suits their cause, professionals today are not slow to exploit the
"mysteries" and "wonders" and "treasures" of ancient
cultures. Whether they do so for the public in front of the cameras or in print
to impress potential funders, such actions play directly into the hands of the
mystery-mongers and cranks who populate the pseudoarchaeological
zoo. The public comes to expect archaeology to be all about spectacularly rich,
history-altering discoveries, unsolved mysteries, and the promise of ancient
wisdom - precisely the obsessions of the fringe. In fact, everyday archaeology
is far more mundane than this, and often the most interesting and far-reaching
conclusions are drawn from the drabbest of sources. For instance, hugely
important inferences have been made about the onset of a sedentary lifestyle in
the Levant by a team arlier working at Abu Hureyra in Syria.
In all this, the
believers usually cheer one another on. It may have to be accepted, however
reluctantly, that the most committed have to be abandoned to the clutching mud
of the pseudoscientific swamp. But the situation is not entirely hopeless.
Undergraduate students, at least, are not powerfully devoted to pseudoarchaeological fantasies. And, if the gurus can be
goaded into showing their true colors, if their followers can awaken to their
question-dodging, evidence evading tactics, some, but by no means all, may
find themselves questioning. It takes an act of courage however to admit to
having been hoodwinked. The door thus opened can be stepped through - or
slammed shut and bolted tight. That choice ultimately lies in the hands of the
devotee.10
The primary role of professionals in this process however may to - ask the hard
questions, probe, and expose. Critique, after all (the basis of this website),
is the heart and soul of true scholarship and should not be avoided by the
reporters and news media either.
1. While perhaps not
as vitriolic as other examples of the genre, Professor Schoch's books do not
shy away from innuendo about the world of ancient scholarship. We read, for
instance, that scholars go about "assuming" and
"asserting" to reach their conclusions; that they cleave to independent
inventionism for ideological rather than scientific
reasons; that (unspecified) ideology leads them to ignore evidence of diffusion;
that graduate schools create narrow specialists unwilling to debate with those
outside their specific archaeological foci; and that archaeologists defend the
cultures they study to deny a political advantage to rivals studying other
cultures. It is even laughably- declared that modern academics downplay the
role of the sea as a medium of cultural contact in ancient times because the
Romans where landlubbers, and modern scholarship traces its roots back to the
Romans. In short, the scholarly positions of historians are repeatedly
presented as resting on political, arbitrary, or authoritarian bases.
It takes an act of courage
however to admit to having been hoodwinked. The door thus opened can be stepped
through - or slammed shut and bolted tight. That choice ultimately lies in the
hands of the devotee. The primary role of professionals in this process may be
to do what they do best - ask the hard questions, probe, and expose. Critique,
after all and the basis of this website, is the heart and soul of true
scholarship.
2. Here is a typical
attitude: "Reflect back on your academic experience. ... Mimic the
gatekeepers [of orthodoxy] really well and you might enter the club with a
fellowship or better."
3. Note the
"us-and-them" way in which the issues are framed. An even more
enthusiastic promulgator of the church metaphor is John Anthony West, promoter
of astrology and proponent of Egyptian symbolism. West believes that Egyptian
civilization was inherited from Atlantis. As a denier of evolution, he rails
against a straw- man – “the Church of Progress" - that he believes
dominates modern science and society: and his website at
http://www.jawest.com. A more subtle method is that of Professor Schoch, who
expressly parallels contemporary anthropology's theory- of a migration from
Siberia into the Americas with Pope Julius II's declaration in 1512 that the
peoples of the Americas must be displaced Babylonians, which agreed, with
Biblical orthodoxy. The equivalence renders both positions raw belief enforced
by fiat.
4. The supposed
"mystery" of why pyramid-like monuments appear independently in
different parts of the globe was solved decades ago by I.. Sprague de Camp: in
the absence of steel, concrete, or vaults, attempts to build high monuments
will lead to a pyramid-like structure; children with building blocks are
capable of finding this out quite by- themselves. The really interesting
archaeological/historical question here is "`K'hy
do early- civilizations feel the need to build large monuments"' It is not
seriously addressed by pseudoarchaeologists.
(Professor Schoch's appeal to "spirituality" is too vague to get us
very far, since notions of what constitutes the spiritual differ so markedly
between cultures.) Monuments, rather, are just an assumed part of
"civilization."
5. A
sub-characteristic of the genre is a certain tentativeness in advancing its
scenarios, so that any given claim can be jettisoned as an innocent
"suggestion" or "possibility" when shown to be baseless;
see Hancock's cautious wording.
6. The story can be
traced on the websites of Robert Bauval, Graham
Hancock, and the BBC program Korizon ("Atlantis Reborn
Again," available in transcripts).
7. As we have
recently seen, recalling Savarkar's concept of "Fatherland"
and the idea that "Aryans" and Hinduism are autochthonous, any type of ancient immigration into
the subcontinent is refuted "scientifically": if people had
indeed moved into India, it was only invaders such as the Greeks, Muslims, and
British. In support of the idea of South Asia being an attraction to outsiders,
any imaginable reason is brought up, such as India being a country where it
was "nice" to live. Conversely, Afghanistan, too, is regarded as a
former Hindu territory, just because some statues of Buddhist or Hindu deities
have been found there that clearly belong to the Buddhist mission in Central
Asia.
8. To continue with
the above case example, everything that goes against the unity of
"India" - in prehistoric and historical times - is regarded as an
effusion of British divide et inzpera politics and
their version of history, and all ancient or more recent linguistic and
cultural dividing lines are overlooked. In sum, Indian history, as we have it
now, is declared a product of colonial Indology. And the persons perpetuating
this mistaken interpretation are the academic historians (on the
Aryan/Dravidian dividing line) and all those who follow Marxist tenets based on
the Aryan immigration theory ("caste instead of class fight").It is
thus common to all revisionists that they want to proceed
"scientifically," marshalling a host of evidence that seems to point
in the direction of their aims. The preponderance of such evidence - usually at
variance with mainstream results and theories - is then depicted as initiating
a Kuhnian "paradigm shift" in the understanding of Indian history. In
other words, the rewriters believe that they are at the forefront of
scholarship, while scholars in the mainstream are seen as clinging to holdout
positions, which will disappear as soon as their authors die. See also.
9. For example, in
the November/ December 2003 issues of the self proclaimed
‘scientific’ magazine Archeological Odyssey contains, on its inside front
cover, a full-page ad emblazoned with the headline: "Startling New Proof
The Exodus Tools Place - But not where you think!" The natural inference
is that the readership of such magazines still contains a significant number of
people who see archaeology as properly subordinate, in some fashion, to faith
and its historical assertions. A related example is the ossuary supposedly
carved with an inscription reading "James, the brother of Jesus." It
is most probably an ancient artefact with a forged inscription added to
increase its value, but that has not stopped the object from being much touted
in venues like Biblical Archaeology Review and Archaeological Odyssey. Indeed,
the editor of both magazines, Hershel Shanks, has written a book to cash in on
the public's interest in this "find" and used both magazines to
promote it. Despite the conclusion of a committee of Israeli archaeologists
that the inscription is a modern forgery, its authenticity continues to be
defended in the pages of Biblical Archaology Review,
mostly by attempting to discredit the committee's damning report.
10. But then, does it
matter if some people believe in homeopathy or Therapeutic Touch? Perhaps not a
great deal. Unlike most consumer frauds, the victim is a willing participant in
his own victimization.
Likewise, does it
matter if some people - often, academics - believe that truth is an illusion,
that science is merely a species of myth, and that standards for judging
rationality and correspondence with reality are thoroughly culture-bound? Once
again, perhaps not a great deal: far more pernicious doctrines abound in human
society, and anyway, intellectuals' influence on the world outside the
ivory tower is small. Indeed we live in a society in which 42 percent
believe in haunted houses, 41 percent in possession by the Devil, 36 percent in
telepathy, 28 percent in astrology, and 45 percent in the literal truth of the
creation story of Genesis.
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