Producing vibhuti,
or holy ash, from thin air, is a favourite trick of
Sai Baba. To get ash one has to burn wood, paper or cowdung,
the ash so made has no smell unless perfume is added to it. Sai Baba
accomplishes this by mixing perfumed ash (cow dung) with a starch solution into
small balls of dough and allows them to dry. These balls are hidden between the
thumb and index finger and after circling the balls are brought to the finger
tips, powdered and sprinkled on the devotees. To show it were possible to
create something from nothing one need only hold one's palms uppermost and wait
for something to appear, it is not necessary to wave one's hand around to
distract and to conceal. It should be noted too, that the expensive objects
manifested are only given to the rich and influential devotees, the deserving
tourists get the ash.
As for would be devotee-tourists: through
the processes of modernization today, everyday life often becomes detached from
its traditional roots and transformed into cultural productions. In this
context modern life is often perceived as having lost its ‘naturalness’ or
authenticity leading many to visit such religious teachers today. Plus many tourgroups, like to take only one, example: the “Athma of India” and “The Chopra Center of California,”
today (March 2008) invite prospective participants to a “magical land” where ancient traditions and modern life live side by
side.
Such "religious teachers" (elsewehere also called "Fakirs" or
"godmen") today are a common sight in most cities of India; pictured
below, one in Hyderabad, where many can be seen in the old city.
The focal issue of the sufi cause as seen with modern „godmen“ in India, was the
idea that Muslims did nor require a mediator in order
to communicate with God. On the contrary, sufis
believed this relationship could and should be personal and direct. Even aside
from the orthodoxy of Islam, Muslim mystics possessed their own hierarchy. In
their case, you were either the teacher (Shaikh), or the disciple (Murid)
(Mujeeb).
However, the idea of mediation was not
the only issue involved in deviating from more orthodox practices. These
newfound mystics strongly disagreed with the various routines performed in the
name of the religion. Such practices including the required length for fasting-
as well as the recounting of prayers five times per day--were now perceived as
insincere and therefore insulting in a way. If such religious practices were
merely routine--then they could not have come from the heart, but instead the
follower's habit.
For the purpose of distancing themselves
from these conformities of habit and law—these mystic ‚godmen‘, began to convey
forms of self expression in an attempt to solidify
their individual identity.
This direct relationship transitions
smoothly into Hinduism.
Thus while sufis
aimed to deviate from orthodox Islam, they were at least somewhat bogged down
by the religion's dogmas. However, Hinduism does not bind itself in dogmas, and
thus Hindu mystics were more open to express themselves. Prior to the middle of
the twentieth century, the population of Muslims in India was much greater than
it is today, this being attributed to the creation of Pakistan in the 1940s. It
is only obvious then that the Muslim and Hindu mystical traditions would
converge on at least some type of scale. From the outside, it appears that the sufi lifestyle seems more congruent with the Hindu faith.
Sufis would perform acts of healing, via
delving into self induced trances; however, the Hindu
mystics brought such types of performance into another realm. The Hindu mystics
(godmen) added an extreme sense of danger to these performances, and it is no
doubt that these public acts were a catalyst for the focus turning away from sufis and onto fakirs. Also, the practice of sufism reached an essential theoretical standstill. Many sufis rationalized that all occurences
were manifestations of God's will, which greatly inhibited the motivation for
creative self expression.
But also, where magic practitioners
control magic, religious practitioners are instead dependent on powers that are
outside of their control.
While distinctions have been made
concerning the differences between magic and religion, there is the idea that
magic is actually a branch of religion. This would certainly be the case in
Indian mysticism, as the godmen make claims that their feats are the result of
mediating the power of Hindu deities. What is unique in the case of the godmen,
though, is that the godmen are aware that what they are doing is not truly
supernatural; they know that the performances are, illusions.
One religious aspect that could be
classified as magic in the case of godmen, is the act of praying for a miracle.
The intent is to summon supernatural powers to achieve an otherwise
unattainable goal. Another example can be viewed in religions in which
sacrificial offerings are made. The sacrifices are often to promote fruitful
agriculture, or prosperous hunting.
Annother example are the so called Draupadi cults who practice
fire-walking as a purification ritual. And in fact their inspiration comes from
the epic Indian poem the Mahabharata. Here , Hindu Gods such as Krishna, the
believed incarnation of the Supreme God Vishnu, are used as characters in
conveying mora11essons for the readers. Thus Draupadi is the heroine of the
Mahabharata, and it is her actions within the story which are translated into
this ritual. Since Draupadi is viewed as a goddess, the fire-walking ritual is
then seen not only as a symbol of purification, but also an action which
connects an individual directly to the spiritual world. When an individual
walks across the hot coals, it is believed that Draupadi transfonns
the coals so that the tenacity of the heat is comparable to that of a flower.
Also, it is believed that she places her long black hair over the coals so that
the participants will not injure the bottoms of their feet during the scamper
across.
In terms of Draupadi as a character in
the Mahabharata, and the context for the modern fire-walking ritual, the
references are somewhat scattered as to where in the poem it originated. In one
version, Krishna administered a test for Draupadi in which he set fire to a
forest, and it was her task to venture through the engulfed trees. She
completed the task unharmed, and it is this bravery which is commemorated with
these Rituals. However, this explanation is the only version which in no
way mentions any type of purification significance. In a second rendition,
Draupadi marries on five separate occasions, and before each marriage, she
bathes in fire (unscathed) in order to restore her chastity. In another
purification-themed explanation, Draupadi engages in an extra-marital affair
with the character Kicaka, and must perform a
fire-walk to cleanse her spirit from this sexual transgression. Kicaka is killed for his role in the offense, as are his
one hundred and five brothers, for the purpose of preventing one of his
siblings from throwing Draupadi onto the funeral pyre. Aside from the modern
fire-walking ceremonies praising the heroine of the story, there is also
another cause for the action which ties in to this version specifically. In
some accounts in S.India, adulterous women in regions
of Southern India must walk through fire in order to purify themselves, just as
Draupadi was forced to do.
In another variation of the
Draupadi-fire-walking connection, the character Bhima brings the heroine a saugandhika (an exotic flower); however, once she receives
her flower, one of the petals wilts away. This was taken as a sign of impurity,
and to rectify this, Draupadi performed the fire-walk.
With the Mahabharata in mind, the
motivations to perform this feat are to pay homage to the heroine of the story
while simultaneously cleansing oneself from past wrongdoings, and to convey the
ability to communicate directly with the gods. In many cases, fire-walkers will
traverse across the fiery bed with some type of representation of the female
protagonist. While Draupadi walked through flames in her various rites of
passage, these modern interpretivists instead walk across a bed of hot coals,
the substitution for this being obvious. Also, while in many cases the ritual
appears to be completed legitimately, there have been several instances in
which the implementation of illusion appears to have taken place.
But while fire-walking is a practice
performed that has been viewed outside of India at events such as motivational
seminars and company retreats. In these instances, the burning gravel pits are
quite small, and thus a quick scurry across causes no real aftliction.
Such was not the case some places in India where some participants
expressed that only those who truly believe in the powers of Draupadi will be
able to perform the ritual without experiencing any physical pain. Aside ftom purification, the fire-walking ceremony was said to
alleviate all worries ftom the participant, while
simultaneously setting in motion actions which will soon grant the individual
all of their worldly desires. Similar sentiments were also expressed in other
regional rituals, such as the Holi festival in Northern India. In this scenario, the ritual
creates a sense of social order. The members of the society must adhere to a
certain set of rules, and if these rules are broken and not amended, the member
of the group will feel the pain of the coals. In a way it is somewhat similar
to the confession ceremony in Catholicism.
The practitioner is cleansing themselves
from their misdeeds, and, in return, the process is only successful if the
individual truly believes in the power of the spirit. And in case of the
fire-walking part ssentially, it is a literal
trial-by-fire confession.
Now, many have listened to accounts of
individuals who have somehow cognitively prepared themselves for such actions,
stirring their minds into a state in which this feat is plausible. Fire-walking
ceremonies appear to be the result of this mental re-configuration. However, it
seems most would view these fire pits as those similar to the ones used in
western motivational and corporate seminars.
Individuals who are not able to complete
the task are dubbed unfaithful, and are believed to be concentrating on their
own issues as opposed to summoning the powers of Draupadi. With such events
being witnessed, the question must be asked as to how so many are able to
complete such an arduous ceremony.
In fact godmen apply a concoction made
from the roots of the Aquilaria tree to their feet, thus alleviating themselves
from the potential pain of the burning embers.
The Aquilaria tree is rather popular in
South East Asia due to the agar wood it produces. This type of wood secretes an
extremely rich resin which can be used for several different purposes including
incense, perfume, and skincare.In regards to skincare
specifically however, the resin is used to heal burns.
But even with possession of a
non-mystical explanation, the action is still quite impressive. With that being
said, two important factors of Indian mysticism thus arise. First, there is a possible
methodology by which fakirs perform such potentially violent acts. Second,
there is a catalyst explaining why such actions are performed. In this
instance, fire-walking is accompanied by direct spiritual connection and
purification.
Ofcourse participants may also feel the need to increase the
theatricality of the ritual, and thus turn the rite of passage into more of a
performance. If this is the case, then the ceremony is then less personal, and
instead aimed to serve a more influential purpose. This purpose would be to
convey to the Westemer, or any outsider of mysticism,
the direct relationship that exists between the godmen and the spiritual world.
During the sometimes called "mango
tree" illusion, godmen sometimes appear dressed only in a loin cloth, so
as to non-verbally convey that he does not appear to be concealing anything. He
holds a pot in each hand, the pots possessing the capacity of approximately one
quart. The content of one pot is simply water, while the other is filled with
sand. This particular illusion cannot be performed by a godman alon. The feat requires at least one assistant in order for
the trick to work properly. After the fakir places down the pots, an assistant
will hand him a four-foot-square cloth, which is then thoroughly shaken out for
the crowd, so as to eliminate the audience's lingering thoughts of skepticism
that anything is hidden in the sheet. Along with the sheet, the assistant will
hand the fakir the illusion's crucial ingredient, the mango seed. Emptying the
contents of the pots, godmen will construct a small mud pyramid and place the
seed inside. The assistant then covers the pyramid with a makeshift tent using
bamboo and the sheet that was previously shaken out for the audience. While the
pyramid is covered, the central fakir will place his hands inside of the tent
while simultaneously muttering indecipherable incantations. Once the tent is
removed, the mud pyramid is revealed, and at the top, leaves have emerged from
the seeds. If the crowd is overly hesitant to accept the achievement, the fakir
will often remove the seed from the mud pyramid to reveal that roots have
sprouted from the bottom. The process of covering the mud pyramid is repeated
five to six times until the seed has sprouted a mango tree that can reach
heights of approximately two feet. During some renditions of the feat, the
fakir will even go as far as to permit the tree to bear fruit. The crowd is
naturally stunned by this effect, and left with conclusive evidence that these
godmen are in possession of a direct mediation with the spiritual world.
The crux of succeeding in this process
however lies within the seed. The reason for this is based on the construct of
its leaves. Unlike many others, the leaves and twigs of a mango tree have a
leather-like texture, and will not crack or break when pressure is applied.
Also, when these leaves are folded, compressed, and then unfolded, they will
resume their original shape without illustrating signs of having been exposed
to pressure. The mango seed is approximately two inches long and one inch in
width, providing ample room for a compressed leaf. The seed which will be used
in the performance is previously split open and re-filled with the mango tree
shoot. To give the effect of the roots growing ftom the
bottom of the seed, the same method of placing the content before
hand is implemente. Initial inspections by
audience members may be problematic, and godmen often combat this by displaying
an un-tampered seed, and then merely switching it at the beginning of the
performance. And while the tent-like structure is placed over the pyramid, the
fakir is slowly working the mango shoot out of the seed. However, this does not
explain how the finality of the feat results in the tree reaching heights of
two feet.
Each time the sheet is handed to the
fakir, though, the reassurance of the cloth's purity is no longer questioned.
It is through this medium that objects are passed to the performer by his
fellow godmen.
Also, larger sheets are interchanged as
the illusion progresses, making it possible for the assistant(s) to transfer
the tree to the performer. For the cases in which the tree bears fruit, the
paralleled practice of passing the fruit through the sheet is used, and the
mangos are simply hung on the limbs of the tree .
By displaying these supposed abilities,
one could say that godmen in India today ignite or re-ignite a sense of
empirical validation for their religion. Religion is, of course, a rather
effective tool in maintaining social order, and thus the performance is an
advertisement for this. More directly, the godmens'
motivations are centered on displaying their supposed direct and established
relationship with their deities. By doing so, they promote their way of life,
specifically, their perspectives on a simplified religious structure, and a
life free of worldlypossessions. From the audience
member's perspective, the framework is again established in that these crowds
are certainly unaware of all of the various meanings tied into the symbols in
the Mango Tree Trick.
But if what the spectators witness
during these performances including in the case of Sai Baba, in their eyes, is the result of the harnessing of
higher powers, which ties into the ideologies of mysticism, then from the
audience's perspective they are witnessing a tangible version of their
religious persuasion.
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