Today, the late
Mughal period no longer makes sense as the chaotic prologue to colonial rule. India
's conquest was a more complex affair than the foredoomed collapse of an
overstretched empire and the pacification of its warring fragments by European
rulers with superior political skill. A realistic account of the half-century
that ended at the Battle of Plassey in 1757 would thus stress the part played
by Indians in building new networks of trade and new regional states. And it
was rather this that helped to set off the crises that overwhelmed them
unexpectedly in the 1750’s.
Indeed, behind many of
the changes of the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries can be seen the
effects of expanding trade, rising population and growing rural economy.
Urban prosperity and the rising wealth of the rural elite made provincial
interests less willing to put up with central direction from Delhi.
The Maratha
confederacy has long been portrayed, as a predatory horde that reduced northern
India to anarchy. But behind its rise can be seen something more interesting
than an alliance of freebooters. The Marathas' territorial conquests were
marked not by scorched earth but by their elaborate revenue system, whose
voluminous records are preserved at Poona --modern Pune. (For an example see S.
Gordon, Marathas, Marauders and State Formation in 18th Century India, New
Delhi, 1994, ch. 2.)
Maratha leaders
aimed not at a general devastation but a gradual absorption of the Mughal
domain into the sphere of their svarajya or 'sovereignty'.Their object as it appears now, was not so
much the absolute overthrow of Mughal power as its enforced devolution: hence
the eagerness with which they sought to cloak their rule with the authority of
Mughal grants and decrees. (A. Wink, Land and Sovereignty in India: Agrarian Society
and Politics under the Eighteenth-Century Maratha Svarajya,
Cambridge, 1986), p. 40.)
The Maratha
enterprise, from today’s point of view is best seen as the struggle of an
emerging Hindu gentry, under their sardars or chiefs, to share Mughal sovereignty
and revenues in ways that reflected the rising importance of new landholding
group. In other parts of the Mughal dominions a similar pattern can be seen as
the subahdars tried to slacken Delhi 's grip as part of their effort to manage
the demands of local magnates. In Bengal, Awadh (Oudh), Hyderabad and the
Punjab (where declining trade was strengthening Sikhism), weakening Delhi's
grip meant not so much a slide into anarchy as a new phase of state-building by
local rulers who were anxious to pose as the legitimate representatives of the
old imperial regime. (Alam, The Crisis of Empire in
Mughal North India: Awadh and the Punjab I707-1748 (Delhi, 1986), p. 241.)
Conceivably this
trend might have led to a more decentralized Mughal 'commonwealth' as Mughal
institutions were adapted to the need of different regional powers. Maratha
influence, based on formidable military power, might have become as widespread
as that of the Mughals had been. Instead, two great destabilizing forces
interacted to make Mughal 'decadence' the prelude to a revolution. The first
was the impact of a new round of invasions from Central Asia, the traditional
source of new hegemonies in India. In 1739 a huge Mughal army surrendered at
Kamal in the approaches to Delhi. 'The Chagati” (i.e.
Mughal) empire is gone,' groaned the Maratha ambassador, who fled from the
scene, 'the Irani Empire has commenced.’ (W.Irvine,
The Later Mughals, vol. 2: 1719-1739 ( Calcutta , 1922), p. 360.) For the
'nuclear zones' of the Mughal Empire see, Gommans,
Mughal Warfare: Indian Frontiers and the Highroads to Empire 150O-1700London,
2002), p.18.) The subsequent capture of Delhi by the Iranian ruler Nadir
Shah (he entered the city on a magnificent charger, with the humiliated emperor
in a closed palanquin), followed by the Afghan incursions in the '750s, wrecked
Mughal prestige and devastated the old trade routes between Bengal and Upper
India . A vital part of the Mughal heartland west of the Indus and around Kabul
was wrenched away by defeat. (W. Irvine, The Later Mughals, vol. 2: 1719-1739
(Calcutta, 1922), p. 360. 155.) In a further battle at Panipat, in 1761, the
Afghans crushed the" Maratha army and killed the peshwa, chief minister of
the confederacy.
The second source of
sub continental change was the rapid integration of maritime India into
international trade. In Bengal, the breakneck conversion of marsh and forest
into rice lands and the huge workforce of cotton weavers and spinners (perhaps
r million or more) created an exceptionally dynamic economy, whose growth was
fertilized by the inflow of silver with which Europeans paid for their
purchases of cotton and silk. Along the Coromandel coast south of Madras, in
modern Tamil Nadu, a similar pattern of agrarian success and textile production
created a flourishing mercantile economy in a region that was also the
crossroads for trade in the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean. Here, as
elsewhere in coastal India, a distinctive type of mercantile capitalism had
grown up to finance and manage the production, sale and distribution of
textiles and other commodities.
From the late 1500s
onward many Europeans as we have seen with the example of Francis Drake, came
to India to try their luck in its courts and commerce. However, it was maritime
India 's trade that was the main attraction. By the eighteenth century,
European warehouses (or 'godowns') and 'factories'
dotted the peninsular coast from Surat to Calcutta. Some Europeans, like
'Diamond' (Thomas) Pitt, came to India as 'interlopers', defying the monopoly
claimed by the chartered companies. Some, like 'Siamese' (Samuel) White, turned
into freelances. White arrived in Madras in 1676. But he soon crossed the Bay
of Bengal and made his way to Ayudhya, then the
Siamese (Thai) capital. He made his name first in the elephant trade - the
dangerous business of bringing elephants by sea across the bay to India -
before becoming the king's chief commercial agent. But most European traders
were company men. The high costs of long-distance trade, as well as large armed
ships (the 'East Indiamen'), shore establishments' (with their garrisons to
guard against attack by other Europeans or disorderly locals) and the
diplomatic apparatus required for dealings with regional rulers and the Mughal
court, had long made it necessary for European traders to be organized as
joint-stock companies. These were forerunners of the modern corporation (with
shareholders, a board and a management structure), and enjoyed a monopoly in
the direct trade between their country and India. Their commercial policy was
to drive down the price and increase the quantity of the Indian textiles for
which an insatiable demand existed in Europe. Hence the rival European
companies (mainly after 1720 the English and French East India companies) were
engaged in a constant effort to entice Indian weavers into their trading towns
(like Madras or Pondicherry), where they had been allowed to build their
'factories' and exert their control over weavers and merchants in order to
regulate the price, type and quality of the cloth produced. This led them into
close but often quarrel some relations with local rulers, whose wealth and
power also de pended upon the profits of trade and the shuffling of tax
revenues between commerce and credit. By the early eighteenth century, the
threat of a boycott or a blockade of a port had become a powerful counter in
the companies' diplomacy. Yet they still found it wise to show studious
deference to the Mughal emissaries who arrived periodically, taking care to
dress up in their Mughal robes - for wearing the robes that the ruler had
granted was the symbolic affirmation of obedience and loyalty.(For the above
see G. R. G. Hambly, 'The Emperor's Clothes',
in S. Gordon (ed.), Robes of Honour (New Delhi,
2003), pp. 31-49, esp. p. 43.). The Mughal defeat in 1739 sent a shock wave
across South Asia. But at the moment when the young Robert Clive landed at
Madras, in 1744, the idea that any of the European companies, let alone the
English, with their dilapidated fort at Madras , could become a territorial
Rower in India, let alone ruler of the whole subcontinent, was almost absurdly
improbable.
South Asia in the
first half of the eighteenth century should not be seen as a region that was
drifting from stagnation to anarchy. In the northern interior the triangular
conflict between Marathas, Mughals and the transmontane invaders was also a
struggle between 'gentry' groups, who were striving to build a stable and
sedentary order of lowns, markets and settled
agriculture, and 'warrior' groups who were part of the old tradition of nomadic
pastoralism on the upland plains connecting northern India and Central Asia.
(See the remarkable study by J. J. L. Gommans, The
Rise of the Indo-Afghan Empire, c. 1710- 1780 (Leiden, 1995).
The economic and social
change of the long Mughal peace brought that conflict to a head. Similarly, in
maritime India, commercial expansion was rapidly transforming the economic and
social order and relations with both the Indian interior and the outside world.
The invasions of North India in 1739 by the armies of Nadir Shah and in the
1750’s by his former henchman Ahmad Shah Durrani
(Nadir had been murdered in 1747) were something more than random tribal
incursions of the kind that had disturbed the Indian plains for centuries past.
Together they formed an effort at empire-building, tearing down in the process
the Mughal and Safavid states. The Safavids were the first victim. Squeezed
between Ottoman-dominated Mesopotamia and Anatolia in the west and a vast
tribal hinterland stretching east and south to Herat and Kandahar in modern
Afghanistan, Safavid Iran had always represented an uphill struggle to impose
the authority of the city and the sedentary world on the steppe and the desert.
Georgia, the main recruiting ground of its slave army and bureaucracy, was
especially vulnerable to Ottoman and Russian pressure. For a fascinating
insight into Georgian politics, W. E. D. Allen, Russian Embassies to the
Georgian Kings (1589-1605), Hakluyt Society, 2nd Series, 138 (2 vols., Cambridge,
1970), vol. l, 'Introduction'.
Politically, the
Safavid system had been a precarious amalgam of a Turkic tribal alliance with
the Iranian literati: but no real fusion had taken place. By 1700 this unstable
coalition was coming under increasing external and internal strain. Safavid
rulers based in Isfahan had been no more successful than the Mughals in
achieving an empire of fixed territorial boundaries. They had won and lost
Baghdad. Their grip on Khorasan, Herat and the city and region of Kandahar had
never been secure. Kandahar had heen conquered by
Uzbeks in 1629, captured by the Mughals in 1634, Oud recovered by Shah Abbas II
in 1650. In 1709-II the Safavids Il)sl: control of it
to the Ghilzais, the dominant tribe in the southern
Afghan lands. Herat and Khorasan had slipped from their grasp by 1718- 19. In
1722 the Ghilzai leader Mahmud shattered the Safavid
army at Gunabad, captured Isfahan, and seized the
throne. Both Russia and the Ottomans, perhaps mutually fearful, rushed to
exploit the Safavid collapse. Peter the Great took Derbent,
Resht and Balku along the Caspian Sea. The Ottomans
grabbed Tiflis (1723) and, with Hamadan, Eri van and Tabriz, much of western
Iran. In a chaotic decade, the imperial legacy of Abbas I had been summarily
dissolved.
But, at the moment of
dissolution, a new political force appeared to drive off the Ottomans, Russians
and Ghilzais. The Safavid claimant Tahmasp recruited Nadir Kuli
(1688-1747), a Khorasan warlord of humble origin (a former shepherd), to his
cause. Nadir was a general of Napoleonic talents and aspirations.' (L.
Lockhart, Nadir Shah (London, 1938), p. 268.) He was a careful strategist, but
skilled in the use of shock tactics and light cavalry, and alert to the value
of light artillery, drill and musketry. By I730 he had reconquered the cities
of Meshed and Herat, smashed the Afghan tribes at Mehmandost,
reoccupied Isfahan and Shiraz, and inflicted a devastating defeat on the
once-triumphant Ghilzais. By 1735 he had recovered
Tiflis and Erivan from the Ottomans, and forced the Russians to disgorge Mazanderan, Astrabad, Gilan, Derbent and Baku. In 1736
he declared himself shah. In I737-8 he captured Kandahar, and in the following
year Mughal Delhi. Kabul and the right bank of the Indus were annexed to his new
Iranian empire, and in 1740 Nadir turned his attention to the Uzbeks in Bukhara
and Khiva. This astonishing career was prematurely terminated by the madness
and irrational cruelty (perhaps exacerbated by the effects of disease) that
provoked his assassination in 1747. But a new imperialist appeared.Ahmad
Shah Durrani, one of his Afghan lieutenants, carved
out an inheritance from Nadir's Indian and Afghan conquests. at its height his Durrani empire stretched from Khorasan to the Canges and from the Amu-Darya to the Sea of Oman.Not until the loss of Multan (1818), Kashmir (1819)
.and Peshawar (1834) to the British was it pressed back into the Afghan
highlands. What lay behind these two great ventures in empire-building that
dominated the vast Indo-Iranian borderlands for half a century and had such a
seismic impact on the politics of the whole subcontinent:
One explanation might
be that they were symptoms of a 'tribal revolt' against the encroachment of the
bureaucratic sedentary states: Russian, Safavid and Mughal. But the persistence
of the enterprise an the imperial aspirations of its
leaders suggest that some deeper force was at work. It has been argued that the
careers of Nadir and of Ahmad Shah coincided with the dramatic rise in the
economic impor tance of the
commercial corridor that stretched between North India and Russia and far away
westward towards Meshed and Iran. North India, as far south as modern Karachi,
was part of a trading system newly invigorated by the buying power of Russian
silver. If this was the case, then this new round of empire-building was aimed
at controlling the commercial wealth of the region and was fuelled
by the hope of exploiting it further. It may have been primed by the social
tensions of the nomad economy, with its secular tendency towards overpopulation.
Militarily, it made use of the old nomadic advantage of tactical speed and
strategic mobility, adapting handguns to cavalry warfare and, under Nadir Shah,
also using artillery and even sea powe). (R. L.
Canfield, Turko-Persia in Historical Perspective
(Cambridge, 1991), p. 22. On this view, neither Nadir nor Ahmad Shah
could be described as a throwback to a barbaric era. Instead, they were
state-builders in search of a new formula. They combined an imperial style with
the brutal discipline of tribal politics. It is even possible to imagine the
scenario of which they may have dreamed: a Greater Iranian Empire along Manchu
lines, in which a nomadic warrior elite was transmuted into the hereditary
administrative class of an agrarian state.
It was not to be
however. The imperial project failed - perhaps because its agrarian base was
much too narrow to sustain its scale; perhaps because of the inherent
instability of the tribal confederations on which it still depended; perhaps
because external pressure (not least the advance of British power in India).
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