“The new alliance has come. The eleventh of September has brought together [the two sides] because the new right has reacted positively  They say, and I agree with them 100 percent, what happened on the eleventh of September, if it is the Muslims who did it, it is not an act of terrorism but an act of counterterrorism.” Ahmed Huber (As quoted in Peter Finn, "Unlikely Allies Bound by a Common Hatred," Washington Post, April 29, 2002, page A13.)

We already discussed how Saddam Hussein's uncle and future father-in law, Khairallah Tulfah, along with General Rashid Ali al-Gilani and the so-called colonels of the Golden Square, participated in a coup against the pro-British government of Iraq, and  recognized as Iraq’s new Governement by Germany-- declared independence from Great Britain on May 12, 1941. This pro-Nazi regime as we have seen was then ejected by a British military intervention soon thereafter, but not before the regime insti­gated an anti-Jewish pogrom in which 200 people were killed. (See also David Frum and Richard Perle, An End to Evil: How to Win the war on Terror, 2003, p. 49.)

Tulfah had a strong influence on his son-in-law, regaling him with his vision of a pan-­Islamic Nazi alliance. Not unlike Hitler, Saddam Hussein sought to implement a new order based on the principles of nationalism and socialism under the dic­tatorial control of the Fuhrerprinzip. (Charles A. Morse, "The Nazi Background of Saddam Hussein," February 21, 2003, http://newsmax.com/archives/articles/2003/2/20/145726.shtml.)

His Ba'ath (Renaissance) Party like the regimes in Iran, Syria, and soon also Egypt, had the characteristics of a European fascist party of the interwar years, seeking to mold the masses into a single organic collectivity through a program of corporatism and national regeneration. Saddam Hussein's defiant position toward the United States and Israel throughout the 1990s bolstered his image in some quarters. As a result, several representatives of the extreme right have reached out to him on numerous occasions.

In the weeks leading up to the Gulf War, some European right-wing extre­mists sought to provide token assistance and moral support. For example, the late German neo-Nazi leader Michael Kuhnen reportedly negotiated with Iraqi diplomats in an effort to build an "Anti-Zionist Legion" to fight for Saddam Hussein and repel the U.S.-led coalition. Another German neo-Nazi leader, Heinz Reisz, appeared on Hussian state television on January 25, 1991, and pro­claimed "Long live the fight for Saddam Hussein; long live his people; long live their leader; God save the Arab people." A French neo-Nazi, Michel Faci, traveled to Baghdad where he and twenty or so assorted activists and historical revisionists were guests of Saddam Hussein at a government-sponsored event ti­tled "Friendship, Solidarity and Peace with Iraq."

The ‘New Right’ in Support of Saddam.

In 1986 famous Paganist and at the time intellectual leader of the so called, French Nouvelle Droite, Alain de Benoist released a publication, Europe, Tiers monde, meme combat (Europe, the Third World, the Same Fight), in which he called for an alliance between Europe and the Arab Middle East, to weaken both the U.S. and Soviet blocs and their hold on Europe. This rightist variant of "Third Worldism" was not informed by the more liberal-oriented admiration of the "noble savage" or white racial guilt, but rather by geopolitical hostility to the bloc system and its hold over Europe. In January 1991, Alain de Benoist, joined with a coalition that included various leftists, trade unionists, and anti-American rightists to protest the U.S.-led aggression against Iraq. (Michael O'Meara, New Culture, New Right: Anti-Liberalism in Postmodern Europe, 2004, pp. 167, 172.)

More recently Alain de Benoist has also been mentioned in a booklet with the misleading title “New Religions and The Nazis” 2006, by Karla Poewe. Poorly argued and under-researched, rather than having anything to do with the “Nazis” (as the that time Governement of Germany), Karla Poewe’s booklet rather is a micro history of Jakob Wilhelm Hauer’s religious ideas. (1)

Saddam found support by Jean Marie Le Pen's Front National. Christian fundamentalists in the party favored Saddam because Iraq had been a major arms supplier to the Falange in its battle against Muslims in Lebanon during the civil war. Anti-Americanism and anti-British sentiment played a role as well. In October 1990, Le Pen traveled to Baghdad as part of a delegation of right-wing parties from Europe to meet with Saddam Hussein. They returned with fifty-three European hostages that were held by Iraq in the months prior to the war. For his part, supporting Iraq was a clever way in which Le Pen could defuse criticism that he was anti-Arab and anti-Muslim. (Harvey G. Simmons, The French National Front: The Extremist Challenge to Democracy, 1996, pp. 101-102.)

Reportedly, some elements of Jorg Haider's Austrian Freedom Party (FPO) have also sympathized with Saddam Hussein's regime. For example, there is the case of Abdul Moneim Jebra, a sixty-year-old Iraqi arms dealer, who has report­edly sought to strengthen ties between the radical right and militant Islam. Jebra now lives in Austria, where members of Jorg Haider's FPO estab­lished an Iraqi-Austrian Association to promote ties with Baghdad. In 1998 a plot to smuggle helicopters to Iraq that involved Jebra was uncovered during a Swiss bribery case.

Plus of course there is Vladimir Zhirinovsky, leader of the Russian ultranationalist Liberal Democratic Party, who accused the Kremlin of "betraying" its long-term Arab partners and clients. The Soviet Union had strong diplomatic ties with many countries in the Middle East, and until its collapse, Moscow played a key role in the re­gion, supporting Arab leaders such as Muammar Qaddafi in Libya, PLO chairman Yasser Arafat, Syrian president Hafez al-Assad, and Iraqi president Saddam Hussein. However, Mikhail Gorbachev's government consented to the U.5.-led military action in the Gulf War, an operation that it could have vetoed in the Security Council. Furthermore, by that time, and even more so during Boris Yeltsin's tenure, relations with the United States became the top Russian priority. Zhirinovsky has sought to reestablish an alliance with Iraq. Toward this end, he reportedly developed a warm relationship with Saddam Hussein. The Iraqi ambassador to Russia appreciated Zhirinovsky's gestures of support and has frequently been in attendance at Zhirinovsky's birthday parties. (Vladimir Solovyov and Elena Klepikova, Zhirinovsky: Russian Fascism and the Making of a Dictator, 1995, pp. 122-123.)

Zhirinovsky visited Baghdad on numerous occasions during the 1990s and was a guest of Saddam Hussein. In one instance, he lectured the Iraq leader for four hours on the need to unite against the "American-Israeli plot" to dominate the world. (Ibid., p. 124.) In 1993, Zhirinvosky even went so far as to send a contingent of his paramilitary "falcons" to Iraq to fight against "American imperialism." Hussein is rumored to have contributed considerable financial support to Zhirinovsky. After his trip to Baghdad, Zhirinovsky increased the frequency and the stridency of his anti-American rhetoric. (Ibid., pp. 127-129.)

Other Russian right-wing extremists have also reached out to Muslims, so for example, Heidar Jamal has sojourned in several extremist orga­nizations. He worked briefly for the ultranationalist Pamyat (Memory) orga­nization in 1989 and the late Ahmed Khomeini, the son of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, in 1990. In 1993, he joined the Russian branch of the Islamic Committee. He ran unsuccessfully for the Duma in 1995. Finally, in 1999, his Islamic Committee joined forces with hard-line communists Victor Ilyukhin and Albert Marashov. One constant theme that links all his projects is a viru­lent disdain for the West. (Nabi Abdullaev, "Fundamentalism in Russia: An Interview with Islam Committee's Heidar Jamal," in Parfrey, Extreme Islam, pp. 281-284.)

With Heidar Jamal and his friend Alexander Dugin who translated both Rene Guenon and Julius Evola in Russian, we are back to the larger circle of intellectuals that include also Alain de Benoit, and what Mark Sedgwick for lack of a better word called ‘Traditionalism.’ (For a review of Sedgwick's book see.)

It was during Perestroika that Russian Traditionalists first took active steps. In 1987 Dugin and Jamal together joined Pamyat' (Memory), later described by Dugin as "the most reactionary organization available." They hoped to in­fluence it toward Traditionalism, rather as Eliade had hoped to use the Legion of the Archangel Michael in Romania, and Evola had hoped to use the Fascists, the Herrenclub, and the SS. (Sedgwick, 2004, p.224.)

Pamyat' was the focus of popular opposition to Perestroika. But Dugin's and Jamal's attempts at infiltration of Pamyat' were no more successful than had been Eliade's or Evola's similar efforts earlier. Seminars they gave attracted respectable audiences (up to 100 people), and Dugin was appointed to Pamyat’s Central Council in late 1988, but in 1989 they gave up and left. Pamyat'; Dugin later described its members as "hysterics and KGB collaborators." Its importance for Russian oppo­sition politics in fact was like that of Theosophy for Western esotericism: it was the forum that facilitated the emergence of figures who would later be important elsewhere.

After they left Pamyat, where Jamal continued in the line of Islamist Traditionalism, Dugin in a parallel course of action became involved with Eurasianism. In 1999 was appointed special advisor to Gennady Nikolayevich Seleznev, the CPRF speaker of the Duma. (Ivan Kurilla, Geopolitika i kommunizm, “Geopolitics and Commu­nism”, Russki Zhurnal 23, February 1999)

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Dugin helped found the not entirely serious National Bolshevik Party and became increasingly associated with two major figures in Russian political life. One was Gennady Zyuganov, the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF). The other, closer associate was Alexander Andreyevich Prokhanov, leader of a group known as the Pochvenniki (Patriots).

In the end however Dugin would found his own Eurasian Party, characterized by Democratic intellectual Igor Vin­ogradov:
They are undertaking a noisy galvanization of a reactionary utopia that failed long ago, an attempt to revive it through the injection of a new vaccine-a combination of "Orthodoxy" and "Islam" in the name of combating insidious "Zionism," putrid Western "Catholi­cism" and any kind of Jew- Masonry whatever ... For all their [intel­lectual] ineptitude, they are very dangerous. After all, the temptation of religious fundamentalism in our century of unbelief and general spiritual corruption is attractive to many desperate people who have lost their way in this chaos. (Vinogradov, in Yelena Yakovich, "Kontinent in Moscow: Voice of Russian Culture," interview with Igor Vinogradov, Literaturnaya Gazeta, July 22, 1992, p. 5.)

The credit for this revivification of a "failed" ideology must go to Dugin and Traditionalism, clearly the source of the "new vaccine" referred to. Dugin continue to maintain his friendly rela­tions first established with Dugin's visits to the West in 1989, and continued with visits to Russia by de Benoist and his Belgian ally Robert Steuckers (the first of which took place in March 1992). And with the publication of two collections of Dugin's articles in Italian by Claudio Mutti (see below), in 1991 and 1992.

Where Mark Sedgwick’s book is specifically about the ‘traditionalism’ of Rene Guenon and Julius Evola, what this has in common with other forms of traditionalism ore preservatist*, is that they construct a revisionist view of history that fits their own agenda. If we take as an example political traditionalists or new right groups in the USA, we will see that the patriot movement looks to the American Revolution for inspiration, whereas the neo-Confederates look to the Civil War. The Odinists idealize the Viking era, whereas the National Socialists and many of the historical revisionists admire Hitler's Third Reich. The World Church of the Creator idealizes not only the Third Reich but also the Roman Empire and the American Western frontier of the nineteenth century. And the Christian Identity followers identify with the lost tribes of Israel. For a preservatist/traditionalist political group in India we would look at (the recently covered on this website) RSS/Hindutva, and so on.

Another expression used ist heritage (in German called 'Voelkish') for example  leader of the Ku Klux Klan David Duke explains it as, “people  understand very well that I'm not a white supremacist and that I am a European American who wants to preserve my heritage like all people in the world want to, but the real danger to all heritages is Jewish supremacism, which seeks to destroy every heritage but the Jewish heritage.” (G. Michael, The Enemy of My Enemy, 2006, p.162.)

Thus terms like the ‘new right’ or/and ‘extreme right’ today therefore, are not without contradictions, another good case example is the right/left mélange that came in the aftermath of a pamphlet written in 1950 by Julius Evola titled Orientamenti (Orienta­tions). Ultra-conservative, paganist/occultist, Julius Evola at the time when he wrote this, was a supporter of Junio Valerio Borghese-- an aristocrat, a Fascist, and Second World War military hero. (For details see Gianfranco De Turris, Elogio e diftsa di Julius Evola: Il Barone e i terroristi, 1997, pp. 50, 52, 59, 61.

When in 1951 the Italian police arrested some thirty members of the ‘Fasces Revolutionary Action’ (FAR), Evola-- because his articles appeared in their publication was accused of also supporting the latter--however he was acquitted.( De Turris,1997, pp. 51-52.)  It was the publicity surrounding this trial, that helped launch Evola on his postwar career, and he expanded Orientamenti into a book published in 1961, Cavalcare la Tigre: Orientamenti esistenziali per un'epoca della dissoluzione (Riding the Tiger: Existential Orientations for a Period of Disso­lution). Here, Evola introduced the concept of what in Islam is titled hijra (emigration), fundamental to the more extreme varieties of late twentieth-century political Islam.  Cavalcare la Tigre became one of the central texts for the Italian new right.

Earlier the Ordine Nuovo (New Order), established by Pino Rauti a dedicated follower of Evola was publicly committed to the defense of "all that of the traditional that has been saved and has found a pole.” It launched a joumal, Ordine Nuovo, and offered courses and seminars based around Evola's (and sometimes Rene Guenon's) works, including Evola's Orientamenti. One small group from within Ordine Nuovo even followed Evola's earliest interest, ceremonial magic and Roman neo-Paganism, establish­ing I Dioscuri (Greek Dioskouroi, sons of Zeus) in Rome in the late 1960’s.(Franco Ferraresi, Minacce alia democrazia: La Destra radicale e la strategia de’la tensione in Italia ne’ dopoguerra, 1995, pp. 112-13.)

Little is known of the activities of this latter group, except that it ran into difficulties of some sort that led to the suicide of many of its members. Most of the activities of Ordine Nuovo, however, were intellectual and political. When the Ordine Nuovo became involved with terrorism a court order called for it’s forced dissolution in 1974.

But also for many leftists by then, the old division between left and right was no longer of much importance and had been replaced by a divide identified by Asor Rosa as a division between In and Out. Bourgeois industrialists were In, as were unionized workers and the PCI; the unemployed, women, students, and other marginal groups were Out.

Next Franco Freda, another student of Julius Evola sentenced to 16 years in prison in 1972, founded the Fronte Nazionali (National Front). Its supporters were predominantly skin-heads, and their crusading issue was immigration, not as crude racism but as an attack on multiculturalism in the name of preserving the purity of distinct traditions.

Exactly what Evola did mean by apoliteia in practical terms-in the realm of action-has since been much disputed. But just like is the case with various interpretations of what the exact meaning is of certain statements in the Koran, what is more important than what Evola meant, is what he was taken to mean. Evola's apoliteia thus was developed by Freda into a call for action against the bourgeois state irrespective of effect, a sort of Traditionalist existentialism-and the word "existentialism" is used in the subtitle of Cavalcare la Tigre. Freda's development of Evolian Traditionalism was not entirely nihilistic-he also argued for the destruction of the bourgeois state as a necessary preliminary to further developments, which implies belief in the possibility of "rectifying action" -but his call was in effect a call to what Gianfranco de Turris calls "rightist anarchism." (Ferraresi, Minacce alla democrazia, pp. 101, 296, and De Turris, Elogio e di- fesa, p. 99.)

Mark Sedgwick maintains that Evola, “seems to have approved of what was being done in his name­ on condition that it was done with proper spiritual preparation.” (Sedgwick, 2004, p.185.)

Just as Evola shifted (or was thought to have shifted) the emphasis from the objectives of action to the interior state that gives rise to action, so Freda shifted the emphasis from the objective-which implied some central plan­ning and organization-to the individual. Freda was one of the earliest and most important proponents of the "archipelago solution," the new organiza­tional pattern of Italian ‘new right ‘terrorism that emerged a solution, by implication, to the problems raised by the dismantling of Ordine Nuovo. This meant the replacement of earlier, relatively large and hierarchical structures by small and fluid groupings, usually forming for a particular op­eration and then dissolving, and normally acting independently of each other and of any central command. (Ferraresi, Minacce alla democrazia, p. 302.)

The archipelago solution presents certain obvious operational advantages. As an extension of the Leninist cell system, it is the ultimate guard against police infiltration: no more than a single operation can ever be compromised. It is, however, more than a defense, since the abandonment of any control over operational groups makes sense only as a corollary to the abandonment of overall strategy. The archipelago solution, then, is the companion of apoliteia, at least as Freda understood apoliteia. The two together make up spontaneismo armato (armed spontaneity), Freda's most destructive discovery, later popularized in his journal, Quex. Again, Mark Sedgwick suggests, “there were echoes of Freda in both the organizational method and the apparent objectives of the terrorists who carried out the attacks on the USA Septem­ber 11, 2001.” (Sedgwick, 2004, p.320.)

Finally Freda and some fifty of his followers were, convicted in 1999 of "incitement to racial discrimination," and in 2000 the Fronte Nazionali was dissolved by decree of the minister of the interior and its assets were confiscated. (Ruotolo Guido, "Il PM di Verona Papalia: 'C'e' un vero pericolo" interview with Procurator Guido Papalia, La Stampa, December 3°,2000, p. 7.)

There were rumors, however, that Fronte Nazionali activists, in alliance with members of the Alleanza Nazionale, this time financed by Osama bin-Laden, had helped ferment the violence that shocked Italy during anti-globalization protests at the 2001 G8 summit in Genoa. (On the basis of reports in Il Secolo XIX “July 25, 2001”, ascribed to sources in the Italian security services.)

According to a report in the Milan-based newspaper Corriere della Serra, also German intelligence services claimed that Osama bin Laden had financed extreme right organizations in Europe in the hope that they would assist him in carrying out terrorist attacks during a G-8 summit meeting held in Genoa in the summer of 2001.189

Though the Traditionalist terror in Italy ended in 1983, that was not the end of the Traditionalists who had been involved in it. Some, like Claudio Mutti after having spent some years in jail where he converted to Islam, continued nonviolently. (Ferraresi, Minacce alla democrazia, p. 195.)

Two factors influenced his conversion: the writings of Guenon, to which he had been led by the writings of Evola, and Colonel Qad­dafi. Guenon had convinced him of the need for a "path of realization," some­thing Evola had not accomplished. Qaddafi is a more unusual source. Freda had had an interest in Qaddafi and Islam; he wrote in Quex about Evola's requirement for a spiritual basis for action in terms of the relationship between the "lesser jihad" (armed conflict) and the "greater jihad" (the struggle to sub­due the lower self), and he published a translation of some of Qaddafi's speeches. (Mutti, "Pourquoi j'ai choisi l'Islam," Elements: Revue de la Nouvelle Droite 53; Spring 1985, 37-39)

Mutti's Islam is militant and political. Like we have seen above he has published Italian translations of Jamal's work, but also of the Ayatollah Khomeini a preference he seems to have in common with Ahmed Huber cited at the beginning of this article. That Islam is in­stalled on top of his early Evolianism is symbolized by the decor of his office, which is predominantly Islamic but includes a Nazi standard propped behind the filing cabinet, reported by Sedgwick who visited Mutti. (Sedgwick,2004, 260.)

But also Heidar Jamal during the time he was the ideologist for the  Party of the Islamic Renaissance and editor of its organ Tavhid [Unity].In the first issue Jamal analyzed the state of Islam in Traditionalist terms, adding a historical angle rarely found elsewhere, derived in this case from Islamist writings. Islam, he pointed out, existed in time and was subject to decline just as everything else was. Further, there had been no real Islamic government since the death of the Prophet, and certainly not since the Mongols. Matters had grown much worse since then, since the "post-colonial elites" in the Islamic world were either nationalists (and hence enemies of universal Islam) or "atheist cosmopolitan[s]," equally enemies of true Islam.

An in an article from I99I inTavhid, translated in Italian, Jamal, after comparing the existential significance of death in Evolian Traditionalism to the meta­physical significance of death (the final return to God) in Islam,  argues that "authentic Islam and the authentic right are non-conformist; their vital char­acter consists of opposition, disagreement, non-identification." ("Islam and the Right," Giperbort a Vilnius, 1991, in Jamal, Tawhid, pp. 31-36.)

For a Chris­tian, "God is almost synonymous with hyper-conformism," whereas Islam is a "protest ... against the reduction of God to 'consensus.''' The political right and Islam both fight the snares of the world, including self-deification and "profane elitarianism." (Ro'i, Muslim Eurasia, p. 44.)

The PIR split in I992 over the issue of relations with Yeltsin and his project of Russian democracy, with the  Jamall faction aligning with radical Islamists and Wahhabis in the Middle East and with the domestic opposition to Yeltsin, in the form of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) under Gennady Zyuganov and the rightist "Patriots" under Alexander Prokhanov. (Leonid Berres, "The Wahhabis are Ready to Make an Alliance with Maka­shov and Ilyukhin," Kommersant, July 24, 1999, pp. I ff.)

Both men were as­sociates of Jamal from his time in Pamyat', and both also associated with the other major Traditionalist in Russia, Dugin. And Jamal's relations in the Middle East were with men such as Hasan al ­Turabi, the leader of the Sudanese Islamic Front and according to Michael Asher in his book about the Sudanes Mahdi, at least one of the em­inence grise behind Osama bin Laden. (Asher, Khartoum, 2005, pp.406-407.)

The PIR as Jamal's institutional framework was replaced by the Islamic Committee of Russia-a network of such Islamic Committees was established under al­ Turabi's guidance at a conference in Khartoum in I993 in order to unite the leaders of various radical Islamist movements such as Turabi's own National Islamic Front, Hamas in Palestine, and the Hezbollah in Lebanon. Jamal be­came leader of the Moscow branch of this Islamic Committee. In a 1999 interview he spoke of contacts with the Hezbollah, Hamas, the Wolves of Islam (a Chechen group), and the Afghan Taliban. (Berres, "The Wahhabis.")

According to Walid Pharis it was during the above meeting in Khartoum that the decision was made from now on al-Qaeda would be the “mother ship” of global Jihad. Or as Pharis notes: The central force of jihad, after the Khartoum gathering, targeted the United States head-on, both overseas and at home. By this point al Qaeda was in charge of the world con­flict with America. The "princes" (or emirs) were assigned the various battle­fields, but the "Lord" assumed the task of destroying the "greater Satan," America. The first wave started in 1993 on two axes: One was in Somalia, where jihadists met U.S. Marines in Mogadishu in bloodshed. The United States with­drew. The same year, the blind sheikh Ahdul Rahman and Ramzi Yusuf conspired to blow up the Twin Towers in New York. (Phares, Future Jihad, 2005, p.157.)

Finally of course a common ground between the extreme right and the Muslim world is the historical revisionism of Holocaust denial. For example the Iranian leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, suggested that the Holocaust had been greatly exaggerated in part to undermine Islam:

There is evidence which shows that Zionists had close relations with German Nazis and exaggerated statistics on Jewish killings. There is evidence on hand that a large number of non-Jewish hooligans and thugs of Eastern Europe were forced to migrate to Palestine as Jews. The purpose was to install in the heart of the Islamic world an anti-Islamic state under the guise of supporting the victims of racism and to create a rift between the East and the West of the Islamic world. (A.Foxman, Never Again?, 2003, 220.)

And the recent President of Iran, Rafsanjani ex­claimed that he was convinced that "Hitler had only killed twenty thousand Jews and not six million." (Foxman, 223.)
Rafsanjani even went so far as to raise the prospect of national suicide as part of an effort to destroy Israel, mus­ing that the nuclear annihilation of Iran as a result of a retaliatory attack by Is­rael would be an acceptable price to pay to destroy half of the world's Jewish population. In such a conflagration, only a small portion of the world's Mus­lims would perish. (Michael A. Ledeen, The War against the Terror Masters, New York: St. Martin's, 2003, p. 282.)

Abraham Foxman, believes that many Arabs are embracing Holocaust revisionism to delegitimate the state of Israel. According to the reasoning of Holocaust revisionism, the trag­edy was deliberately exaggerated in order to generate global sympathy for Jews and support for the creation of the Jewish state. Furthermore, it has been used to "extort" billions of dollars from the West and demoralize Aryans and the West "so that Jews could more easily control the world." (Foxman, Never Again?,219-220.)

David Duke, mentioned above, has been in the forefront of efforts to reach out to the Islamic world. In the fall of 2002, when he presented two lectures in Bahrain titled "The Global Struggle against Zionism" and "Israeli Involvement in September 11." And in an article published in the Arab News, a Saudi Arabian English daily newspaper, Duke repeated his assertion that Israel had assisted the terrorists in the 9/11 attack..

Duke’s take on religion by the way, include things like “the Anti-Christ”, and “Satanic-Christianity”:
The truth is there is no such thing as Judeo-Christianity. That would be saying Satanic-Christianity. The religion now called Judaism did not even come formally into existence until six hundred years after Jesus Christ. It began with the codification of the Babylon Talmud. Interestingly enough, Islam is much closer to Christianity than Judaism. For instance, Judaism condemns the Virgin Mary as a prostitute and viciously condemns Jesus as an evil sorcerer and a bastard. In stark contrast, although Islam certainly does not share all the Christian views of Jesus Christ, it views Christ as the true prophet of God, virgin-born, and that God resurrected Jesus from the dead. Ironically, the chief religious book of Islam, the Qur'an, actually defends Jesus Christ from the obscene slanders made against Him in the Jewish Talmud. ("Evangelicals Who Serve the Anti-Christ!" January 25, 2003, http://www davidduke.com/ radio.)

More recently, in September 2005, Duke received a doctorate in his­tory from the Interregional Academy of Personnel Management-a major private university system in the Ukraine. And in November 2005, he traveled to Syria, where he held a news conference.

Duke is not the only right-winger to draw parallels between Christianity and Islam. For example, Bill Baker, former chairman of the Populist Party, gave a lecture titled "Reviving the Islamic Spirit." (Gil Francisco White, "Islamist-Nazi Alliance Reborn on Campus?" The Daily Pennsylvanian, November 5, 2003, http://vryvw.daily pen nslyvania.com/vnews/display.v?ART/3fa8a3666637e.)

From the above we have also seen that just as Islamists and the (extreme) new right are beginning to find common ground, the gap between the far left and the far right have been narrowing as well. Both movements often decry globalization. Increasingly, they both share a criticism of Israeli policy toward Palestinians. A case in point is the case of Rachel Corrie, an attractive twenty-three-year-o1d American student at Evergreen State College in Olympia, Washington, and a member of the International Sol­darity Movement, who took a semester off to work as a peace activist in Gaza. While there, she took part in a protest in which an Israel driver using a bull­dozer was preparing to knock down a Palestinian's house. Corrie stood between the bulldozer and the house and refused to move. However, the Israel driver ran over her, and she sustained injuries from which she ultimately died. De­spite Corrie's presumably left-leaning political orientation, various right-wing publications and websites eulogized her as an Aryan martyr. What is more, the antig10ba1ization rhetoric of the contemporary extreme right could conceivably make its agenda more palatable to the far left, which also champions a similar platform, including radical environmentalism and animal rights. In fact, in 2002, the National Alliance created a front group, the Anti-Globalism Action Network (AGAN), to capitalize on the left's opposition to globa1ist organiza­tions such as the World Bank, G8, and the International Monetary Fund and sent it to Kananaskis, Canada, to protest a G8 meeting. AGAN added an anti­Semitic twist to the traditional left-wing conspiracy narrative. (Center for New Community. -CNC Uncovers Neo-Nazis Masquerading as Anti­Globalization Acrivists," June 21, 2002, http://newcom.org.)

And extreme right stalwarts, such as Louis Beam, the chief proponent of (Evola student Franco Freda’s see above) 1eaderless resis­tance approach in the United States, expressed solidarity with anti-World Trade Organization protestors in Seattle. Similar to Freda’s example also left-wing radicals now extol revolutionary strategies that sound very similar to the 1eader1ess resistance approach advocated by extreme right revolu­tionaries. Although there have been no significant displays of overt anti­Semitism on the part of so-called eco-extremists, some elements have become increasingly strident in their opposition to the war on terror, especially once it expanded to encompass Iraq. A former spokesman for the Earth Liberation Front, Craig Rosebraugh, exhorted antiwar activists to escalate their opposition to the war. Among his suggestions to foment revolution were attacking the fi­nancial centers of the country; provoking large-scale urban rioting; attacking the media centers of power; spreading the battle to the individuals responsible for the war (the heads of government and U.S. corporations); publicly announc­ing that the antiwar movement does not support U.S. troops; targeting U.S. military establishments within the United States; and when engaging in the aforementioned activities, striking hard and fast and retreating in anonymity. (Rosebraugh's strategy is described in Michelle Malkin, "Eco-terrorists Declare War," Washington Times, March 24, 2003, http://-,vw-,v.washingtontimes.com)

Thus if anything, the far left is in a state of flux, while some of its activists question traditional tenets of their platform, such as unrestricted immigration. (See Neil Clark, "Why the Left and Right Must Unite and Fight: The View from the Left," Anti-Wancom, April 1, 2003.)

The Post 9/11 Resistance Movement.

At first, 9/11 and its immediate aftermath appeared to galvanize the Na­tional Alliance, overtly praising the 9/11 hijackers. Its chairman, Dr. William L. Pierce, became even more strident in his rhetoric in his American Dissident Voices radio broadcasts, and interest in his American Dissident Voices program increased significantly after the 9/11 attacks.

Then there is the Aryan Nations' Islamic outreach with its own ‘Liaison’ website with as one of the frequent writers David Wulstan Myatt. Reputed to have been a member of the underground paramilitary groups Column 88 and Combat 18 in the UK, he was twice imprisoned for violent political ac­tivism. (Nick Ryan,Into a World of Hate: A Journey among the Extreme Right, 2004, p.17.)

After several years of radical politics, Myatt became disillusioned and during his travels joined Islam. Myatt is also the chief proponent of the "leaderless resistance" (see Franco Freda above) in England and joined the small Reichsfolk or­ganization, which had the twofold aim of propagating the philosophy of Na­tional Socialism and forming rural communities where the like-minded could live in accord with the "ethos of their Aryan culture." (David Myatt, "Towards the Galactic Empire: Autobiographical Notes Part Two.)

Myatt was much impressed with the power of religion so evident in the ranks of Muslim militants.

I came to understand that what motivated the fighters I and others had discussed previously was an intense faith: a real belief in an after-life; a belief that it was their duty to act in such a way, and that by doing their duty in the way they did, they would be assured of entering Paradise. And this faith was not a political belief they had acquired or accepted in adult life: it was part of their very culture. Indeed, it was their culture, their tradition, and their way of life, from birth through death. It was this type of faith, this immersion in one's own culture, which our own people so sadly lacked. We were trying to motivate people in a political way, whereas Muslim fighters did what they did because it was accepted as their duty, as their own people understood this duty and gladly accepted their martyrdom. (David Myatt, "A Covert Life, http://www.geocities .com/davidmyatt/covertlife.html )

Myatt had little difficulty reconciling his newfound faith with National Socialism:

How could a National Socialist-an admirer of Adolf Hitler and his SS ­come to sit happily in the homes of a Pakistani, an Arab, an African from Chad, share a meal, talk affably about God, our dreams for the future, the need for a spiritual renaissance, and of course, the common enemy? Because the truth about National Socialism has been obscured for over fifty years, thanks to the intensive, hateful, worldwide, well-financed and unending propaganda campaign directed against it. There is some common ground, since both ways-when correctly understood-produce civilized, honorable individuals who use reason as a Islam shared common enemies, the capitalist-consumer West and international finance. (Myatt, "Towards the Galactic Empire.")

There is some common ground, since both ways-when correctly understood-produce civilized, honorable individuals who use reason as a guide. The differences are, first, that Islam concentrates on the next life, on Jannah, and there is therefore what I have called an individualistic and Earth-based ethic: individuals do what they do in anticipation of the reward of Jannah; and, second, that the individual is understood in relation to such things as taqwa [the conscious awareness that God is watching you] and imaan [faith or belief], for these define them. For Islam, the folk-and the diversity and difference of human culture-is basically irrelevant. For National Socialism, this diversity and difference should be treasured and developed in an honorable, rational way. In addition, National Socialism concentrates on our connection to our folk and thus to Nature and the Cosmos, with Nature and the Cosmos being understood as living beings. That is, we, as part of our folk, are Nature made manifest, and that our purpose is to aid Nature, and thus the Cosmos, through our folk: to evolve ourselves, our folk, our culture, and thus our human species. Hence, the perspective of National Socialism ­and the basis for its ethics-is a cosmic, evolutionary one, of ourselves as a nexus, a connection between our human past and our human future. National Socialism believes we can and should evolve further: that this is our unique human destiny. In National Socialism (and folk culture, I should add) the individual is defined by honor, loyalty, and duty, just as a National-Socialist society is.  So, in one sense Islam was part of my lifelong quest to discover the meaning, the purpose, of our lives. As a result, I do believe I understand Islam, which is why I know an alliance between Muslims and National Socialists is possible, and indeed necessary. (Michael,145-146.)

According to Myatt, the great potential for cooperation between the extreme right and militant Islam stems from both movement's shared opposition to the so-called new world order, which he defines as a collection of Western capitalist nations whose way of life is dominated by materialism. According to Myatt, the plan of the new world order is to subjugate the planet through an oppres­sive world police force so that no dissidents can escape its reach-in short, a one-world government, with its own police force, courts, and army that have jurisdiction anywhere in the world. In that sense, the new world order regime amounts to "bully-made law." By contrast, Myatt sees Islamic sharia as far superior in that it was putatively derived from God, thus making it superior to fallible human-derived laws. Myatt has publicly expressed admiration for the Taliban movement in Afghanistan because it sought to establish "a true Islamic society" and defended Mullah Muhammad Omar's decision to continue to grant Osama bin Laden sanctuary in the wake of 9/11. ("Islamic Sanctuary,” http://www.aalhagq.jeeraii.com/ sanctuary.html )

In Myatt's analysis, the only real significant opposition to the new world order comes from militant Islam. On previous occasions, he has expressed open admiration for Osama bin Laden and views him as an exemplary warrior who has forsaken a life of luxury to pursue his Islamic duty. (Myatt, "Why I Support Sheikh Usama bin Laden, http://myweb.tiscali.co.uk/alghurabah/support/usama.html.)

Like David Myatt, also Ahmed Huber (quoted at the outset of this article above) found no contradiction in terms of his Islamic faith and his admiration for German National Socialism, as he explained:

I judge as a Muslim, I judge Adolf Hitler and the Third Reich and his movement in a different way than the Zionists, or the Marxists, or the Anglo-Americans do because I know very, very much. I have been studying the sources of what was the Third Reich. And I met a lot of people who knew Hitler personally. I have met his secretary, Frau Gertrud Junge, who recently died, and Christa Schroeder. I have met Arlton Axman, the last Hitler Youth leader, who brought the corpses of Hitler and Eva Braun to the Reich Chancellery and burnt them. I met a lot of Waffen-SS generals from the Leibstandarte, who personally knew Hitler.

We Muslims were fascinated by the Third Reich in the 1930s because Hitler had some ideas at the political level and the economic level, and the cultural field, which were very close to the political, economic, and cultural sharia. For instance, the economic concept of an interest-free noncapitalist economy is very close to the Islamic concept of the economy. His [Hitler's] idea that art should represent God and not be degenerate and make a cult of ugliness, oflies, and of evil, this corresponds to the cultural sharia, and so on.

So this man and his movement were fascinating to many Muslim intellectuals all during the 1930s. And since 1945, Muslims have been studying all of these things. And we judge him in a different way. Even if now, of course, when the Muslims protest against America, they say Bush equals Hitler, or Shawn equals Hitler, they say that not for themselves, but [because] they know that it has an impact on Western public opinion.

 Hitler himself said several times, "The only religion I respect is Islam. The only prophet I admire is the Prophet Muhammad." He said several times in his table talks that ''After the final war the swastika will rule over Europe and will represent a new Europe. We will help the Muslims in North Africa and the Middle East to reestablish the Caliphate." That means there would be an Islamic civilization. (See also Coogan, "The Mysterious Ahhmed Huber: Friend to Hitler, Allah and Ibn Laden?" http://coraclesyndicate.org/pub e/k.coo e/publ 05-02-1.htm, September 2002.

As for the ‘new right’ mentioned in the initial quote from Huber at the beginning of this article, Huber explained:
You see, in the past ten years I have been in Switzerland, Austria, France, and Germany. I have been around with groups of young people, both Muslims and non-Muslims, and especially what we call the new right. Sometimes we hold meetings together, Muslims and people from the new right, to speak about these things and to show what we have in common. I also spoke about this at the University of Tehran. I spoke at a seminar and workshops about these problems. Explaining what was the Third Reich, what it was all about. (Michael,146.)

On March 20, 2002, a U.S. Treasury task force raided businesses connected to individuals which they thought financed al-Qaeda. For example Jamal Barzinji’s northern Virginia-based World Assembly of Muslim Youth was alleged to have been deeply involved in provid­ing cover for Wahhabi terrorism. (Stephen Schwarz, "Wahhabis in the Old Dominion: What the Federal Raids in Northern Virginia Uncovered," Weekly Standard 7, no. 29, April 8, 2002, http://www.weeklystandard. com.) Here a connection was found to Alessandro Ghe, an Italian, who has been questioned by Italian authorities for possible ties to bin Laden. And again, Ghe belonged to the Ordine Nuovo (New Order) organization, which began to reach out to Muslim radicals in the 1970’s as seen above.

From Hitler to the "Arab Reich"P.1

From Hitler to the "Arab Reich" P.2

 From Hitler to the "Arab Reich" P.3
 

 

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