Castaneda an admirer of Aldous Huxley and Timothy Leary at the time, told the Phd. committee at the University of California in Los Angeles, he was doing research on Yaqui religious practice and he was not. He told vast number of people, (those who bought his books) that his books represented a picture of Yaqui Shamanism and religious belief; it is not. The books were presented has non-fiction when they were fiction. As we suggested in our article “Fraud in Academia P.1”, it is shameful that the University of California refuses to publicly acknowledge this shoddy episode for what it was.

If they had followed a few simple rules, that most candidates in Anthropology today are required to produce Castaneda would never have gotten a Phd.

1, Prove that you went to where you say you went. (tickets, photos, etc.)
2, Turn over you notes to the Phd. committee.
3, If you are working with people who speak a different language provide a vocabulary of some kind indicating a knowledge of said language.
4, Indicate in your bibliography a detailed knowledge of seminal and recent work on what "people" you are studying.
5, Have on your committee at least one person who has some detailed knowledge of the area you are doing the Phd. on.
6, Have the manuscript properly vetted for errors omissions etc.

Not surprising Castaneda's (PhD)book has been under attack  from the beginning, and the refusal of the University of California to openly acknowledge this is a reflection on them to say nothing of the rather profitable sales of Castaneda's books.

But here then an overview of the research conclusions from during the same period Carlos Castaneda’s books were published.

The Huichol is in fact is called the Wixarika Culture (Wixâritari pl.) and Wixarika Shamans are called Mara'akate, in itself evidence Castaneda hardly ever was there otherwise he would have known at least this little bit.

Their language belongs to the Utonahuan (Uto-Aztecan) language family. Wixârika homelands lie within the southern part of the Sierra Madre Occidental, or western mountain range. This area includes parts of the Mexican states of Jalisco, Nayarit, Durango, and Zacatecas. A number of Wixâritari have settled around Mexican towns and cities such as Tepic, Nayarit; Guadalajara, Jalisco; and Mexico City as well.

Wixârika culture is not homogeneous; significant differences exist between communities closer to mestizo towns and cities and those located in the more remote areas of the sierra. In the sierra communities the political organization is based, to a large degree, on the civil-religious structure introduced by Spaniards during colonial times. Through the dreams and consensus of the wise old shamans of the community, collectively known as the kawiterutsixi, a new governor and tribal authorities are selected every year to fulfill government positions, commonly called cargos. These shamans also dream who will carry the cargo roles in the church to care for the antique carved wooden figures of Jesus Christ and a number of other saints, several of which have assumed Wixârika names. Some communities maintain rustic old colonial churches used primarily for the religious observances of Holy Week and baptisms, and for the changing of the government authorities. Additionally, some communities are organized by temple districts, which are distinguished by region and family lineage affiliations. Every five years the kawiterutsixi decide upon these cargo roles as well.

Wixâritari in the sierra live in ranches scattered throughout the countryside composed of extended family members. The principal shaman in the family presides over the ceremonies at the ranch. Family shamans and shamans in charge of the temples lead the ceremonies that mark the annual cycle, which is divided into the rainy season from around June to October, and the dry season from November to May. During the rainy season, Wixâritari focus their attention on cultivating and harvesting corn, beans, and squash. The dry season is the time when many Wixâritari hunt deer, go on the pilgrimage to the peyote desert, and make other pilgrimages and journeys within or outside of the sierra.

The Wixârika universe is divided into five sa­cred directions: To the east lies their sacred desert, Wirikuta, in the state of San Luis Potosi; located in the west along the Pacific Ocean near San Blas, Nayarit, is Haramaratsie. In the north are the sacred caves tawita in the state of Durango, and in the south is Xapawiyemeta, Lake Chapala, in the state of Jalisco. The fifth direction is the center of all sacred spaces, the center of the temple, the center of the commu­nity, the center of Wirikuta. In this universe there are three worlds: the Upper World of the sky realm, taheima; the Underworld, taheit+a, where the sun travels at night; and the Middle World, hix+apa, the world of the living. The Wixârika pantheon is extensive, and virtually all the gods, kaka+yarixi, are associated with the forces of nature. Some of the major kaka+yarixi recognized for their formidable shamanic pow­ers are Takutsi Nakawe, the grandmother god­dess of creation, growth, and vegetation; Tatewari, grandfather fire; Maxa Kwaxi, Grandather Deer Tail; and Kauyumarie, the deer person, who also serves as the shamans' messenger to communicate with the other gods.

Wixârika beliefs and traditions lie in the hands of the shamans, mara'akame (singular) or maraakate (plural), who may be male or female. Male shamans are the public figures, while fe­males carry out their profession in more domes­tic ranch settings, as they are much more cir­cumspect about their shamanic powers and abilities. Women, for the most part, prefer to keep their specialist training secret, except among family members. This is because they fear that their male counterparts will be envious and resort to sorcery to take their powers away, as exemplified in a creation myth about the first mara'alçame, Takutsi Nakawe, the grandmother of creation. With her powers and song Takutsi Nakawe created the world and all that exists. There were several male shamans who were jealous of Takutsi and her powers and decided to trick her. They asked her to perform a curing ceremony at their ranch. On the way there they got her drunk, killed her, and took her body apart in order to steal her powers. Takutsi escaped under the earth, where a hill formed and red brazil trees grew from her blood. Afterwards, according to the myth, male shamans became the leaders of the community, both as reli­gious specialists in the temple and as tribal government authorities.

In Wixârika culture there are several ways that one realizes his or her calling to become a shaman. Some children are believed destined from birth to be shamans; a child or baby's actions may indicate to family shamans and eld­ers it is destined to be a son or daughter of a particular god (such as the fire god, Tatewari, or the god of deer and the hunt, Paritsika, or the god of rain N'ariwame). The manner in which the child's destiny may manifest can vary. One example is if a child shows a proclivity to smoking the sacred tobacco used by shamans for ceremonial purposes. Tobacco is considered to be the plant ally of the fire god, Tatewari, and is only smoked ceremonially by shamans; hence, the parents would interpret this behavior as indicative of the child's calling to be a shaman and a protégé of Tatewari. Se­vere or prolonged illness can also be an indica­tor of a child's destiny to become a shaman. Other individuals who have not experienced these kinds of profound life events may choose to follow the shaman's path; in such a case it is said that the training is very challenging, for that person must work even more diligently to achieve this powerful role.

During the training a shaman initiate must remain chaste or faithful to a spouse for the five years or more of training; families strongly en­courage children to complete their apprentice­ship at a young age because as they grow older it is much more difficult to focus on their train­ing. Individuals following the shaman's path seek out an experienced shaman, usually a fam­ily member or a shaman with whom the family has had a long friendship, to interpret the ap­prentice's dreams and signs sent by the gods, and guide him or her through the training. The actual learning, however, occurs through the personal relationship the shaman initiate devel­ops with the Wixârika gods. Over the five-year training the apprentice focuses on his or her dreams and regularly consults with the guiding shaman to interpret them and solicit advice re­garding actions to be taken.

There are two crucial achievements that must be accomplished during this five-year period. The first is acquiring the ability to re­move illness-causing objects from a patient's body, as manifested by kernels of corn, small stones, charcoal, or deer hair. The second major challenge to meet is developing the ability to communicate with Kauyumarie, the messenger god, who is represented as a blue deer, yet ap­pears in different forms in the dreams of shaman initiates. In his dreams Kauyumarie talks to the shaman apprentice, teaching him or her knowledge that will be useful in the train­ing process. Kauyumarie is the link between the shaman and the gods, serving as the intermedi­ary in the communication process.

In training to become a religious specialist, it is mandatory from the start that the shaman initiate make special vows to particular gods, and sometimes also popular Catholic saints from the local church. With these vows the novice leaves offerings of votive arrows painted with geometric and line designs using pig­mented resins, and prayer bowls made from hollowed shells of gourds decorated with fig­ures made of beeswax and sometimes other decorations. The miniature wax figures are af­fixed to the interior walls of the gourd and speckled with beads. Some of the images made from wax include a simple representation of the shaman apprentice, a corn plant, a deer, and in the center a mandala-like image indicating it as a nierika, a portal that will carry the initiate's prayers in the bowl to the realm of the gods. A beeswax candle also accompanies the votive ar­row and bowl offerings. These are left every year at the sacred houses, caves, bodies of water, or shrines for the particular gods whose help is needed in the apprenticeship.

Shaman initiates may also seek to develop a special alliance with specific animals, such as the horned toad lizard (Phyrnosoma), the teka, which has the unique ability to squirt blood from its eyes as a defense mechanism; snakes, such as the wiexu (a kind of boa constrictor); and the venomous beaded lizard (Heloderma horridum), admired for the designs on its back. An alliance is made with any of these animals by catching it alive, cutting off the tip of its tail and anointing oneself with the reptile's blood on the cheeks, throat, inner wrists, and base of the feet. The animal is thanked and set free; its tail is kept with the other power objects col­lected by the shaman apprentice. This ritual must be performed with five horned toads, snakes, or beaded lizards sought as animal al­lies. In recognition of this alliance, the initiate completing his or her fifth year leaves an offer­ing for that animal at its shrine located in the countryside. Shaman initiates may make pacts with other animals, such as hummingbirds and deer, through the act of eating the raw heart of a recently killed animal. This ritual is also per ormed five times, after which offerings are left for the animal along with prayers (Eger 1978; Schaefer 1993, 2002).

Plant alliances are also crucial in this training. Two psychoactive plants that feature promi­nently in the lives of shamans and shaman ap­prentices are peyote (Lophophora williamsii), known as hikuri, and tobacco (Nicotiana rus­tica), called makutse. Peyote is a spineless cactus that contains mescaline, a naturally occurring mind-altering chemical; it is ritually consumed by Wixârika members young and old in family, temple, and community settings. Peyote con­sumption typically provides powerful visionary experiences enabling shamans and shaman ap­prentices to communicate with the gods and learn more about the Wixârika cosmos in ways that cannot be duplicated by other methods. Some children are introduced to peyote while in their mother's womb, or afterwards, through the milk of lactating mothers, if the mother has con­sumed peyote before nursing her child (Schaefe'r 1996b). Children whose family members have gone on the pilgrimage to the San Luis Potosi desert consume peyote brought back to the fam­ily ranch. Some children will also accompany their parents to the desert where they learn first­hand about peyote and consume it as well. A child who shows an affinity for peyote is looked upon as having the calling to become a shaman and will be encouraged to continue this path.

Making the pilgrimage to Wirikuta is not an absolute prerequisite for the training; however, this journey through sacred time and space in the Wixârika universe and the experiences gained from ingesting peyote over the course of the apprenticeship are intrinsic to the learning process of becoming a shaman. Often the guiding shaman will select specific peyote tops for the apprentice to consume; afterwards the initi­ate will describe the experience, and the shaman will interpret its meaning and what course of action, if any, should be taken.

Tobacco is also a vital part of the shamanic ex­perience, and during their training shaman ap­prentices are introduced to this sacred plant. The particular type of tobacco used by shamans con­tains an extremely high level of nicotine (more than 18.76 percent ± 2.6 percent) and is strong enough to facilitate an altered state of conscious­ness (Siegel, Collings, and Diaz 1977, 22). The tobacco is carefully cultivated by shamans in their gardens; the first young leaves that appear

on the plant are ritually harvested, brought to the temple, and ceremoniously placed into a miniature woven bag that is attached to the fore­head of the first deer killed that season. This to­bacco bag and the dried face of the deer are car­ried in the lead by the pilgrims on their journey to the peyote desert (Schaefer 2002). Shamans and shaman initiates smoke the tobacco rolled in cornhusk cigarettes during ceremonies, deer hunts, and on the peyote pilgrimage. Pilgrims who are shamans or shamans in training carry their own hollowed gourd containers filled with tobacco leaves. The tobacco is smoked in con­junction with peyote consumption; the nicotine from the tobacco and the mescaline from the peyote most likely enhance each other's visionary effects (Schaefer 1996a).

A third plant used by some shamans is a solanaceous plant called kieri; it is both revered and feared by many Wixâritari. Shamans or shaman apprentices desiring exceptional powers seek out this plant, leaving offerings and/or in­gesting small amounts of it over a five-year period. Kieri is viewed as a dangerous ally: If too large a dose of the plant is consumed, the individual is likely to have a terrifying experience; in more extreme cases the pharmacologi­cal activities of kieri can cause madness and death. Wixâritari attribute these occurrences to the supernatural powers of the plant and the god associated with it of the same name; some also associate evil shamans and hexing with this plant (Yasumoto 1996; Furst 1989; Furst and Myerhoff 1966).

Power objects acquired through pilgrimages and quests are essential to the work of the shaman; both shamans and shaman apprentices continually add to their collections, which they guard in a woven palm leaf basket known as takwatsi. The basket and the feathered wands (muwierite) stored inside it are used for healing patients and communicating with the gods; they are the shaman's insignia and tools. Muwierite may be passed down from one gen­eration of shamans to another in the family. A shaman may also acquire, through hunting or other means, the feathers from birds admired for their hunting abilities, such as hawks and other raptorial birds. Colorful plumage from parrots that inhabit the more tropical zones of the region are also sought for feathered wands. Another important object used by the shaman during all-night singing ceremonies is a circular mirror that is placed on top of the shaman's mat (itari) by the fire. Throughout the night the shaman glances into the mirror where, it is said, he or she watches the movement of the sun on its journey through the Underworld. The shaman's mirror is also used when praying to peyote in the desert of Wirikuta. Other ob­jects that may be kept in the shaman's basket are amulets, plants, stones, and other objects that hold special power or meaning.

A ceremony marking the completion of the novice's formative training occurs after five or more years. This event takes place after the shaman apprentice has successfully developed ongoing communication with the messenger deer god, Kauyumarie, and has learned to heal by sucking out intrusive illness-causing agents from a patient's body. A cow or young bull is sacrificed during this ceremony, and a number of offerings, as well as the shaman's power objects, are anointed with the animal's blood. The offer­ings are then placed in the sacred locations of the specific gods who were called upon to help in the training. Now fully initiated, the young shaman will begin to put his or her knowledge and skills into practice, learning through experi­ence and from other trusted shamans. The young shaman will also continue to pursue more specialized training with the gods; in other words, throughout a shaman's lifetime he or she is presented with ongoing challenges that will ul­timately lead to the acquisition of even greater knowledge, power, and prestige.

Shamans, especially those renowned for their abilities, may request payment for their services for healing patients. The shaman calculates the cost of services by factoring in the time in­volved and difficulty in treating a patient. Trade in food or goods, money, or the transfer of ownership of a young cow or bull to the shaman are all forms of payment; the latter is reserved for especially difficult cases in which the patient's life is seriously threatened. Conse­quently, a successful shaman may accumulate cattle or wealth in other forms throughout his or her career.

Wixârika shamans are, above all, diviners and healers. They consult the gods through their dreams to learn the causes of illness and misfortune that have befallen their patients, family, or community and how to rectify the situations. Through their dreams shamans learn auspi­cious times to have ceremonies, plant corn, and hunt deer, and they receive personal messages from the gods intended to guide them in their own lives.

Shamans also have the unique ability to per­ceive a person's personal designs. Every Wixârika is born with special designs called nierika, which are located on the cheeks, wrists, throat, and base of the feet, and are only visible to shamans and the gods. When a person is in a healthy state these designs appear bright and animated with movement; during illness, a person's designs appear faint, incomplete, without movement. To heal the illness or hex that has been placed on the patient, the shaman works to restore the patient's designs to their original state.

Another crucial function of shamans is lead­ing the pilgrimage to the peyote desert, Wirikuta. The shaman is the chief navigator for the ranch or temple group to the sacred places. He explains the myths and histories of these lo­cations and directs the pilgrims in the rituals, prayers, and leaving of offerings. On the pil­grimage several shamans may come along. One is the designated leader of the entire group; others assist the leading shaman and also focus their attention on guiding members of the group of pilgrims who are close kin. The lead­ing shaman has extensive knowledge of the plants in this desert environment, especially peyote. In many respects he is the native botanist and pharmacologist, advising pilgrims on the different kinds of peyote and the quanti­ties of peyote to be consumed.

Well attuned to the visionary experiences peyote can evoke, the shaman serves as a kind of psychologist, guiding the pilgrims during their inner journeys while in an altered state of consciousness induced by peyote, and later helping them interpret the meaning of their vi­sions within the framework of a general Wixârika worldview.

Shamans travel to the peyote desert with specific objectives in mind, such as healing a patient or themselves, or petitioning the gods for rain, plentiful crops, abundant cattle, and good health for family members. Shamans may also go on the pilgrimage with the intention of gaining greater expertise in specific areas of eso­teric knowledge. Some shamans are specialists in healing infertile couples desiring to have children; these shamans are recognized by the community for their powers to select the sex of the child, if the couple requests it, and to meta­physically place the fetus in the woman's womb. Other shamans may specialize in heal­ing scorpion stings. Several types of scorpions in the Centruroides and Vaejovis families, with highly toxic venom, are endemic to the Wixârika sierra. A drop of venom injected into a human being from the tail of one of these scorpions can kill a baby, a young child, or an older adult. Shamans make special vows with the scorpion god, Paritsika, and form alliances with some of the animals associated with the scorpion in order to treat patients who have been stung.

Another shamanic tradition is the specialized training to become a wolf shaman. As with the other specialties noted above, this apprentice­ship lasts five years, during which time the shaman leaves offerings to the wolf god Ku­mukemai at his mountain shrine and commu­nicates with him through dreams. Wixâritari believe that a shaman who follows this path will eventually acquire the ability to transform himself into a wolf (Valadez 1996).

Gaining greater esoteric knowledge brings prestige to the male shaman and his family; this combined with fulfilling temple, church, and local government cargo responsibilities enable a shaman to elevate his power and status in the community. A shaman working his way up the hierarchical ladder must eventually achieve the ability to sing, calling upon Kauyumarie to help him lead ceremonies in public settings. Singing shamans lead temple and community ceremonies; those who complete the five-year temple responsibility of Tsaulixika, the singing shaman in charge of the temple, receive special recognition, especially if they complete this role in more than one temple. When the singing shaman in charge of the temple sings, his name changes to Tunuwame, which means Venus, or the morning star. Renowned shamans will be chosen to fulfill the elevated position of the kawiterutsixi, the wise old shamans, who deter­mine the present and future directions the community shall take. Many shamans who achieve this distinguished role are also entrusted in one form or another with the responsibility of caring for the souls of members in the community and their ancestors.

From birth until death, and beyond, Wixârika shamans care for the souls of their family, their patients, and the members of their community. Oftentimes a shaman serves as a midwife, and, in this role, shortly before birth he or, more usually, she invokes the goddess Niwetkame, who is keeper of the souls, asking her to provide a soul for the soon-to-be-born baby. The shaman then helps place the soul into the body (Furst 1967; Schaefer 2002). Five days after birth, a shaman officiates over the blessing and naming of the newborn and may be one of the adults who bestows a name on the baby. The shaman also is charged with lo­cating the lost souls of sick or startled children and placing them back in their bodies.

Upon the death of an individual, the shaman leads the singing ceremony to find the soul of the deceased on its journey to the Otherworld and brings it to the ceremony, so that family members can make their farewells. Afterwards the shaman sends the soul of the deceased to the sky above the peyote desert of Wirikuta. A shaman who specializes in catching souls in the form of rock crystals may be appointed to bring the soul of the deceased back to the fam­ily in this form. Only the most experienced shamans are able to do this. During a singing ceremony, the shaman catches the rock crystal, which may come from within the fire, from the body of a hunted deer or sacrificed cow or bull, or from the corn field, or it may be caught in mid-air. The rock crystal is wrapped in a layer of cotton and fabric and attached to a votive ar­row that is cared for inside the family shrine of the ranch. Rock crystals of these family members are brought out on ceremonial occasions, offered food and drink, and anointed with fresh blood from sacrificed animals (Furst 1967; Perrin 1996).

During the training a shaman initiate must remain chaste or faithful to a spouse for the five years or more of training; families strongly encourage children to complete their apprenticeship at a young age because as they grow older it is much more difficult to focus on their training. Individuals following the shaman's path seek out an experienced shaman, usually a family member or a shaman with whom the family has had a long friendship, to interpret the apprentice's dreams and signs sent by the gods, and guide him or her through the training. The actual learning, however, occurs through the personal relationship the shaman initiate develops with the Wixârika gods. Over the five-year training the apprentice focuses on his or her dreams and regularly consults with the guiding shaman to interpret them and solicit advice re­garding actions to be taken.

There are two crucial achievements that must be accomplished during this five-year period. The first is acquiring the ability to appear as if removing illness-causing objects from a patient's body, as manifested by kernels of corn, small stones, charcoal, or deer hair. The second major challenge to meet is developing the ability to communicate with Kauyumarie, the messenger god, who is represented as a blue deer, yet appears in different forms in the dreams of shaman initiates. In his dreams Kauyumarie talks to the shaman apprentice, teaching him or her knowledge that will be useful in the training process. Kauyumarie is the link between the shaman and the gods, serving as the intermediary in the communication process.

In training to become a religious specialist, it is mandatory from the start that the shaman initiate make special vows to particular gods, and sometimes also popular Catholic saints from the local church. With these vows the novice leaves offerings of votive arrows painted with geometric and line designs using pigmented resins, and prayer bowls made from hollowed shells of gourds decorated with fig­ures made of beeswax and sometimes other decorations. The miniature wax figures are af­fixed to the interior walls of the gourd and speckled with beads. Some of the images made from wax include a simple representation of the shaman apprentice, a corn plant, a deer, and in the center a mandala-like image indicating it as a nierika, a portal that will carry the initiate's prayers in the bowl to the realm of the gods. A beeswax candle also accompanies the votive arrow and bowl offerings. These are left every year at the sacred houses, caves, bodies of water, or shrines for the particular gods whose help is needed in the apprenticeship.

Shaman initiates may also seek to develop a imaginary alliance with specific animals, such as the horned toad lizard (Phyrnosoma), the teka, which has the unique ability to squirt blood from its eyes as a defense mechanism; snakes, such as the wiexu (a kind of boa constrictor); and the venomous beaded lizard (Heloderma horridum), admired for the designs on its back. An alliance is made with any of these animals by catching it alive, cutting off the tip of its tail and anointing oneself with the reptile's blood on the cheeks, throat, inner wrists, and base of the feet. The animal is thanked and set free; its tail is kept with the other power objects collected by the shaman apprentice. This ritual must be performed with five horned toads, snakes, or beaded lizards sought as animal allies. In recognition of this alliance, the initiate completing his or her fifth year leaves an offering for that animal at its shrine located in the countryside. Shaman initiates may make pacts with other animals, such as hummingbirds and deer, through the act of eating the raw heart of a recently killed animal. This ritual is also per ficiate at ceremonies such as those held during Semana Santa, the Holy Week of Easter, that take place in the Catholic church in their community. Shamans will also carry out ceremonies in the church during this time, including baptismal rituals for Wixârika children, which establish godchildren and godparent kin relationships. Wixârika shamans may also make pilgrimages to Catholic churches to leave offerings and gather holy water, and some shamans will perform healing ceremonies for non-Wixâritari, including mestizos who are practicing Catholics.

References and books that have been consulted for the above:  

Coyle, Philip E., and Paul M. Liffman, eds. 2000. "Ritual and Historical Territoriality of the Nâyari and Wixârika Peoples." Themed edition of Journal of the Southwest 42, no. 1. Eger, Susan. 1978. "Huichol Women's Art."
Pp. 35-53 in Art of the Huichol Indians.
Edited by K. Berrin. New York: Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco and Harry N. Abrams.

Furst, Peter T. 1967. "Huichol Conception of the Soul." Folklore Americas 27, no. 2: 39-106.1972. "To Find Our Life: Peyote among the Huichol Indians of Mexico." Pp.136-184 in Flesh of the Gods: The Ritual Use of Hallucinogens. Edited by Peter T Furst. New York: Praeger. 1989. "The Life and Death of the
Crazy Kieri: Natural and Cultural History of a Huichol Myth." Journal of Latin American Lore 15, no. 2: 155-179. 1994. "The Mara'akâme Does and Undoes: Persistence and Change in Huichol Shamanism." Pp. 113-177 in Ancient Traditions. Edited by Gary Seaman and Jane S. Day. Niwot, CO: University Press of Colorado.

Furst, Peter T, and Barbara G. Myerhoff. 1966. "Myth as History: The Jimson Weed Cycle of the Huichols of Mexico." Antropolôgica 17:3-39.

Lumholtz, Carl. 1902. Unknown Mexico. Vol. 2.

New York: Charles Scribner's Sons.

Myerhoff, Barbara. 1974. Peyote Hunt: The Sacred Journey of the Huichpl Indians. New York: Cornell University Press.

Perrin, Michel. 1996. "The Urukdme, A Crystallization of the Soul: Death and Memory." Translated from the French by Karin Simoneau. Pp. 403-428 in People of the Peyote: Huichol Indian History, Religion and Survival. Edited by Stacy B. Schaefer and Peter T Furst. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Schaefer, Stacy B. 1993. "The Loom as a Sacred Power Object in Huichol Culture."
Pp. 118-130 in Art in Small-Scale Societies: Contemporary Readings. Edited by Richard Anderson and Karen L. Field. New Jersey: Prentice Hall.1996a. "The Crossing of the Souls: Peyote, Perception, and Meaning among the Huichol Indians." Pp. 138-168 in People of the Peyote: Huichol Indian History, Religion and Survival. Edited by Stacy B. Schaefer and Peter T. Furst. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. 1996b. "Pregnancy and Peyote among the Huichol Indians of Mexico: A Preliminary Report." Yearbook for Ethnomedicine and the Study of Consciousness/ Jahrbuch für Ethnomedizin and Bewusstseinsforschung 5: 67-78. 1998. "Freedom of Expression: Huichol Indians, Their Peyote-Inspired Art and Mexican Drug Laws." Yearbook for Ethnomedicine and the Study of Consciousness/jarbuch für Ethnomedizin and Bewusstseinsforschung 7: 205-221.2002. To Think with a Good Heart: Wixdrika Women, Weavers, and Shamans.
Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press. Schaefer, Stacy B., and Peter T. Furst, eds. 1996.

People of the Peyote: Huichol Indian History, Religion and Survival. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.

Siegel, Ronald, Peter Collings, and J. Diaz. 1977. "On the Use of Tagetes lucida and Nicotiana rustica as a Huichol Smoking Mixture: The Aztec `Yahuatil'with Suggestive Hallucinogenic Effects." Economic Botany 31: 16-23.

Valadez, Susana (Eger). 1996."Wolf Power and Interspecies Communication in Huichol Shamanism." Pp. 267-305 in People of the Peyote: Huichol Indian History, Religion and Survival. Edited by Stacy B. Schaefer and Peter T. Furst. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.

Weigand, Phil C. 1981. "Differential Acculturation among the Huichol Indians. Pp. 9-21 in Themes of Indigenous Acculturation in Northwest Mexico. Edited by Phil Weigand and Thomas Hinton. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.

Weigand, Phil C., and Acélia Garcia de Weigand. 2000. "Huichol Society before the Arrival of the Spanish." Journal of the Southwest 42, no. 1: 13-36.

Yasumoto, Masaya. 1996. "The Psychotropic Kiéri in Huichol Culture." Translated from the apanese by Kunie Miyahara. Pp. 235-263 in People of the Peyote: Huichol Indian History, Religion and Survival. Edited by Stacy B. Schaefer and Peter T. Furst. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.

Zingg, Robert. 1938. The Huichols: Primitive Artists. New York: G. E. Stechert.

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