From one point of
view, the New Age movement began when enough people who thought about a dawning
"new age" began to use upper instead of lower case letters to refer to
the time. Put another way, the New Age movement happened when participants and
observers who had identified a certain kind of emergent community began to
reify it. This occurred sometime in the early-to-mid 1970s, and, arguably, it
occurred because the media had noticed and sought to name the apparent
whirlwind. It is instructive to browse through "old" books from the
years before designations and attitudes became fixed. Doug Boyd's 1974 account
of the celebrated Cherokee and adopted Shoshone shaman Rolling Thunder, for
example, contains this casual reference: "Many Indians were returning to
the tradition. Many new-age young people were developing awareness of the
Indian way. These people could help the Indian to reverse the present pattern
of polluting, exploiting and destroying nature." Boyd himself, who first
heard Rolling Thunder address a small white professional audience in 1971,
located him for readers in a continuum that told them how to think Rolling
Thunder and how to think spirit. "Rolling Thunder expressed ideas and
concepts that I had heard from spokesmen from India, Japan and Tibet. He said
there was a law of nature that causes all things to be balanced, a law that
says that nothing comes free, that all things must be paid for, that all wrongs
must be righted. Teachers from all over the world have spoken of this law of
karma. Rolling Thunder told how medicine men and others of similar practices
communicate without words. Practitioners of all times and places from witch
doctors to shamans to yogis, swamis and sages, have had this ability." 1
As Boyd made clear,
whatever else this lower-case "new age" was, it had been marked by a
grand ecumenicity, a combinativeness that made the
old-style "perennial philosophy" look effete and elitist beside it. A
similar comprehensiveness marked Marilyn Ferguson's Aquarian Conspiracy
(1980), which by the time of its second edition in 1987 had sold one-half
million copies and which has often been cited as a basic statement of New Age
views. Ferguson's original edition, though, contains no index entry for the
term, and - so far as I can tell- it appears nowhere in her text. Instead,
Ferguson was ebullient over an exploding interest in "consciousness"
since the 1970S and over the phenomenon of networking (her "conspiracy")
that she found seemingly everywhere. Her text gave no index entry to Alice
Bailey either. But in its introduction Ferguson confessed that she was
"drawn to the symbolic power of the pervasive dream in our popular
culture: that after a dark, violent age, the Piscean, we are entering a
millennium of love and light - in the words of the popular song [from the
Broadway musical Hair], 'The Age of Aquarius,' the time of 'the mind's true
liberation."'2
Seven years later,
when the second edition appeared, however, its paperback cover excerpted
American Bookseller's review of the book as the "New Age watershed
classic." Ferguson herself, in an afterword for the new edition, noted a
series of "breaking stories." Among them was "increasing media
coverage of metaphysical/spiritual news." Then, citing a New York Times
front-page feature in September 1986 on the "growing number of adherents
to spiritual views," Ferguson one time only-used the much-repeated term:
"Over the next few months other major features on the 'New Age: some
positive, appeared in publications like Time, U.S. News and World Report, The
Los Angeles Times, and on television ('20-20: 'Sixty Minutes: network morning
shows). Soon virtually all the popular magazines, major newspapers, and
television networks were providing ongoing coverage. Since then, the emerging
views and values have become the topic of TV dramas, even situation
comedies." 3
Ferguson had noticed
that the New Age movement was, in large part, constructed as a media event.
When numbers of metaphysically inclined spiritual seekers who were calling
themselves "new-age" discovered themselves in print to be part of the
New Age movement, they found that their ranks, seemingly overnight, swelled and
augmented. Named by an independent and authoritative arbiter (the media), they
grew surer of their own identity and the attitudes out of which it was formed.
And if anyone media "moment" shifted perception to this upper-case
New Age, it was probably the publication of film star and political activist
Shirley MacLaine's autobiographical Out on a Limb in 1983, with its video
version by 1986.4 Out on a Limb was translated into Spanish, Italian, German,
and Polish as well as Chinese, Japanese, and Korean. Meanwhile, in its video
format, its made-for-television friendliness captured
a huge American audience that, in many cases, may not have had significant
prior exposure to her new-age concerns. MacLaine's story, with herself as star,
invited the same kind of study of important texts that American Daoism
would promote. It also thrust the actress and many of her readers into novel
(for them) practices such as channeling. Most startling of all for most, it
pushed MacLaine into a secondhand encounter, in a different hemisphere, with a
reported space visitor - who seemed a reconstituted theosophical master and who
was, like MacLaine, a woman.
This is not, of
course, to ignore perceptions of a coming new age (we began there) before
Shirley MacLaine lIiscpvered the New Age and the
media cooperatively evangelized for her. More precisely, by the 1960s a major
shift in the metaphysical discourse community was taking place regarding a new
age, and it was probably easiest to locate among Theosophists. J. Gordon Melton
has pointed to the role played by the several hundred organizations that can be
traced to the parent Theosophical Society. Continuing revelation kept
continuing; and ascended masters apparently kept finding new people with whom
to converse. Moreover, as Melton notes, the beginnings of what became the New
Age movement could be tracked to Britain. There a confluence of spiritualists
and Bailey-style Theosophists (Bailey had predicted the new age would come late
in the twentieth century) flourished in a context made still more
metaphysically congenial by the arrival of Eastern teachers after World War II.
Concepts of "spiritual energy" to come at the dawn of the Aquarian
age fed into a mood of general millennial expectation. At Findhorn near
Inverness in Scotland, Peter and Eileen Caddy and Dorothy Maclean from 1965
built an experimental community, claiming that the aid of nature spirits was
enabling them to grow spectacularly large and lush produce on ground that could
hardly be expected to yield at all. As they reported their communings
with the land and its spirits, they taught a theology of immanence. At the same
time, others of a metaphysical bent began to talk of spiritual
"light" as they recalled theosophical teachings on the coming of a
new age. In the process, they came to see their own gatherings as points of
light. Linked to one another, they believed-as in the old Alice Bailey
vision-that they could bring new and greater light, channeling it to the world
and engaging in a work of global transformation. Supported by small
organizations such as, from 1971, Sir George Trevelyan's Wrekin Trust for
exploring metaphysical themes, study groups networked with one another and
spread the mood of expectation. "The message of the New Age swept through
the ranks of the psychically attuned in much the same way that the charismatic
movement did at the same time through ranks of evangelical Christians;' Melton
observes.5
The British new age
hardly stayed home, and by the close of the 1960s it had spread internationally
and linked itself to metaphysical discourse communities in North America.
"Light" groups were in, and so were crystals. In a world in which
vernacular readings of the new quantum science had taught people how to think
light, mystical and scientific light mingled and fused in crystals: Crystals
were crucial in technological applications in the dawning computer age and
crucial as well, for believers, in focusing and transmitting spiritual
intention and energy. Worn as a pendant around the neck, a crystal became a new
and Western lingam, a source of ever-available energy to infuse life into life.
Placed at strategic locations to mark boundaries and enhance" the flow of
spirit, crystals protected and augmented the life force of believers and, in
their view, all to which they extended. Even before the light groups, however,
theosophical influence encouraged other stateside believers to expect an
imminent new age in a context of expanding light. The new age, they thought,
would be ushered in by space brothers or space-age ascended masters.
As early as June 1947,
private pilot Kenneth Arnold claimed to have sighted nine silvery disks near
Mount Rainier in Washington state, disks that he estimated to be flying at
1,200 miles per hour. Arnold made sure to tell a news reporter, describing the
objects as moving like saucers that skipped across water. So began the era of
unidentified flying objects (UFOs), spotted by a series of observers and
provoking continued speculation. In one notably metaphysical explanation, for
example, Swiss psychologist Carl Jung argued that the sightings were the result
of displaced psychic contents-the "self" in space. Some, however,
were not so sure, and they were not content to gaze at the unexplained and
speculate on origins. They felt that they were making contact with space
vehicles and whoever was flying them. The claim of contact with
extraterrestrials, as we saw, had already been made in the eighteenth century
by Emanuel Swedenborg, and spiritualists like Andrew Jackson Davis had felt no
apparent qualms about describing life on other planets. Now, however, in an age
of heightened technology and sophisticated flying objects of human
construction, claims of contact with space beings gained new immediacy and
plausibility. Tellingly, many of those who reported contacts with extraterrestrials
("contacted') displayed, as a group, backgrounds of immersion in
theosophical and/or spiritualist lore.6
When in 1952
Polish-born George Adamski claimed conversations
with a Venusian named Orthon, he had already, since the
1930S, been working as a metaphysical teacher, issuing publications from the
"Royal Order of Tibet," for whom, he said, he was lecturing. Adamski
hastened to produce books on his contactee
experiences in 1953 and 1955 (as well as later ones), and he attracted a
following. Plagued by allegations of fraud, he still had contributed an
important word to a conversation that continued. Unlike ufologists, who saw the
"saucers" as scientific mysteries to be clarified, contactees like Adamski and their devotees thought that
they were dealing in mysteries that were metaphysical. The outlines of the
message of the space brothers were clear: Humans were being warned to reform
can Indians or African Americans or even Russian Cossacks. Instead, they were
space brothers or extraterrestrial masters, and - as time passed - they became
"entities," beings who had never been human or-as in the case of
later wellknown channel JZ Knight's Ramtha - came
from lost civilizations (like Ramtha's Atlantis). Alternatively, they were collective
beings representing "group souls."9
Contactees, llowever, soon hq"d public company. In 1970, when writer Jane Roberts
published The Seth Material, she launched an era of nationwide awareness.
Communication with other-than-human entities had now left the boundaries of the
contactee community and its followers to spread in
the larger culture. Roberts was Jane Roberts Butts, a former Skidmore College
student and now housewife who had taken different jobs during her married life
and even published a novel in 1963. "Seth," the being with whom she
claimed contact, had emerged when, experimenting alongside her husband with a
Ouija board, they both received messages from the mysterious communicator.
Thereafter Roberts found that she could become entranced and that Seth came
channeling through while she was in trance states. He apparently had very much
to tell, and Roberts produced book after book, some sixteen in all. The Seth
writings became enormously popular in metaphysical circles, contributing to the
self-identity of an emergent New Age movement and also augmenting its ranks. 10
Roberts herself,
despite all the fanfare, led a quiet life even as she questioned the source of
the phenomenon, calling Seth a "dramatization of the unconscious" but
implying that the unconscious in question was different from her own. In the
second of the Seth books, for example, Seth announced concerning his mysterious
identity: "I can quite literally be called a ghost writer, though I do not
approve of the term 'ghost.' It is true that I am usually not seen in physical
terms. I do not like the word 'spirit: either; and yet if your definition of
that word implies the idea of a personality without a physical body, then I
would have to agree that the description fits me." Seth also boasted that
he had "donned and discarded" more bodies than he cared to tell.
"Consciousness," he declared sententiously, "creates form. It is
not the other way around." 11
Channeling and
contact with space visitors - probably the two most flamboyant themes that
marked this early New Age-had functioned as metaphysical harbor lights for
MacLaine's 1983 Out on a Limb. She had dutifully, at the behest of a friend,
visited the huge and well-stocked Bodhi Tree, the fabled metaphysical bookstore
on Melrose Avenue in Los Angeles, and had begun to read the books recommended
to her. They provided a short course on the metaphysical tradition, with
special attention to reincarnation, and soon she was supplementing them with
contacts with a series of trance channels, including the well-known Kevin
Ryerson. She knew about Alice Bailey and Jane Roberts, and she was well aware
of Roberts's doubts about and resistance to the channeling phenomenon. When Mac
Laine met Ryerson, he was adamant about not being religious. "What church
would have me?" he answered in reply to MacLaine's question. He explained,
though, that "two, three, or maybe four spiritual entities" used him
"to channel information.!' Then, in trance as the entity "John,"
Ryerson told the actress that he had information both about her and about the
cosmos based on "that which ye would term the Akashic Records."
"Akasha," he continued, "is that which ye might term the
collective unconscious of mankind, stored in ethereal energy. This energy could
be termed as the mind of God." 12
MacLaine's spiritual
journey reached a new point when David, her California metaphysical friend,
invited her to Peru and the Andes Mountains (Peru and the Andes, as we have
seen, were already favored by devotees of ascended masters and space contacts).
Up in the Andes, "in the sulphur baths and along
the banks of the bubbling Mantaro," David told
MacLaine about "a girl called Mayan." Mysterious and beautiful, she
transmitted vast reservoirs of knowledge and insisted that "the most important
relationship was between each soul and God." But he had trouble telling
Mac Laine about her origins. "Where could she be from that's so hard to
say? Another planet." "You got it!" David said. "You
guessed it. You're right." Later, MacLaine learned that the locals
routinely spotted UFOs. "'Shirley,' said David, 'everyone I've talked to
up here has a flying-disc story. Every single one.'" He also told her that
Mayan had come from the Pleiades (a theme that the Swiss farmer Edouard
["Billy"] Meier had introduced into the contactee
literature in the 1970s, although Meier himself was trailed by numerous
allegations of hoax). From what Mayan had told David, he confided,
extraterrestrials were "superior because they understand the process of
the spiritual domain of life." The mysterious woman from the Pleiades was
reaching out to MacLaine through David because the actress was meant to be a
"teacher" on a "much wider scale" than her mentor and
friend. She was appointed to write the "simple truth" that was the
"Big Truth." '''The simple truth,' he said, 'ofknowing
yourself. And to know yourself is to know God.''' 13
It was an odd
message, given the twin bookends of the MacLaine account. Trance channels and
space visitors came from outside. They got consulted for guidance and
direction, and they assumed the authority, for seekers, that institutions had
for many who were perhaps less questioning and certainly more conventional. It
was as if the Hermetic legacy had been turned inside out in this new New Age-as if the tensions and contradictions that had
plagued American metaphysical religion since its nineteenth-century appearances
had been ratcheted to new heights in the continuing quest for spiritual energy.
The people who would be "as gods" found it necessary to consult.
Americans who sought to create their own reality had discovered that they
needed to get directions both on the reality and on the programmatic strategies
for obtaining it-from somebody else. Moreover, when they consulted and got
directions, they did so on a cosmic scale. That was perhaps appropriate, for
there was nothing secret, or esoteric, in what Americans were pursuing. The non secrecy had been a fact since the mid-nineteenth
century, ~hen mass spiritualism - with its collection of trance-produced books
seemingly a dime a dozen - had opened Hermetic secrets to American takers. Now
the media had made even surer of the exotericism of what was transpiring, and
New Age people cooperated enthusiastically. MacLaine was not alone in her
instinct for grand announcement when she wrote a book that built to its
Peruvian denouement with a woman from the Pleiades.
Still, for all that,
Shirley MacLaine's outland gospel could not withstand the domesticating
onslaught of the barrage of media coverage that rendered the secret public and
exoteric. Americans grew more comfortable with extraordinary visitors and their
messages, even as those who considered themselves New Age in the later 1980s
and after often skirted past preoccupation with channeling and visits with
space people. Increasingly, in the combinative habit intrinsic to metaphysical
religion New Age Americans moved on to amplify numerous themes that were
already woven into the texture of their synthesis. If they were "Star
People," descended from benevolent space beings, as contactee
Brad Steiger had declared, they were also heirs to a
panoply of metaphysical and related themes bequeathed them by their American
experience. The post-1983 MacLaine provides an instructive example. If she had
been enthralled by channeling and space contact in 1983, a check-in six years
later shows her teaching the gospel of the God-self as Mayan, through David,
had desired her to do, but complexifying it in noticeable ways and also reading
it largely as therapy. Several books after Out on a Limb, in her new
autobiographical advice manual Going Within, the reconstructed MacLaine still
acknowledged UFOs and space contacts, but her strongest interests lay
elsewhere. The inside front and end papers of the book are telling. Both portray
a stylized woman in yoga attire seated in lotus posture with seven
appropriately colored circles-the chakras-illuminating the figure. On the
opposite page a full-colored circle for each chakra sits centered between text
describing its nature and function. In the book itself, Mac Laine announced to
readers that there was "nothing new about the New Age," told them
that the New Age was "about self-responsibility," and displayed
concern about personal and social healing. She instructed them in meditating
and chanting and explained how she herself used meditation to allow her
"Higher Self" to "reveal itself." "Directions coming
from the Higher Self," she testified, were "by their very definition
attuned to harmonious love and light energy." 14
This "Higher Self"
was the "personalized reflection of the Divine spark." Still further,
with the end papers of her book telling the story already, Mac Laine learned
about "a specific power of aligning with certain energies." The
physical body was "but the reflection of a series of more subtle bodies of
energy within." These reflected "the vibration of the God
Source" -at the disposal of humans if the)h but knew "how.to access
it." Everybody seemingly agreed. "The Egyptians, the Chinese, the
Greeks, the North American Indian and African tribes, the Incas, the early
Christians, the Hindus ofIndia, the Buddhists of
Asia, and today's metaphysicists and mystics
everywhere in the world share, to some degree, a common belief." What was
it? They all thought that the body was "only a physical manifestation of
energies that together create an entity beyond that which can be seen."
They believed that "those levels of existence, those energies, that
entity, reflect the nature of God and the universe." MacLaine had discovered
chakras, and she had found auras. She meditated on the proverbial
"wheels;' visualized them, and used sound to free up emotions and heal.
Confident in her enlightened body-self, she explored other means of healing as
well- experiencing psychic surgery from Filipino Alex Orbito
and pondering how it could be. "There was no doubt in my mind that his
hands had entered my body. I had felt it and seen it, not only in myselfbut in others as I stood over them and
observed." She invoked "all the spiritual masters," who testified
that the "physical" was "fundamentally a coagulation of
molecules" that were "a product of our consciousness."15
MacLaine explained
for readers: "If my body is made up of molecules determined by my
consciousness to take the human form and all of it is actually composed of
immortal God-like energy, I can accept the concept that psychic surgery is
performed through a spiritual connection with the Divine." The connection,
she thought, separated "living atoms one from another with an energy that
doesn't violate, but simply and gently slips through the physical, much as a
hand slips gently, without violation, through liquid." Humans were all
"part of God;' and within the "profound realization" of the
"God within;' they could "trust the loving and well-ordered
magic" of who they were "meant to be."16 So the New Age, for
MacLaine and many other believer-practitioners, was about healing false beliefs
and getting out of their own way to allow changes in consciousness to change
the physical order. If the message seemed distinctly similar to New Thought
(even Christian Science) and to a more diffused rendition in positive thinking,
it was: The metaphysical ballast supplied by older metaphysicians shaped the
New Age pragmatically. Alternative healing became the order of the New Age day,
even as the psychology of Carl Jung and the human potential movement being
celebrated at Esalen Institute helped to shape it. So
there was energy and there was healing; there was the power of mind and the
correspondence between body-self, Higher Self, nature, universe, and God.
All the pieces of
American metaphysical history came together in the New Age- Transcendentalism
and spiritualism, mesmerism and Swedenborgianism,
Christian Science and New Thought, Theosophy and its ubiquitous spin-offs, and
especially metaphysical Asia. QuantUJ11 physics provided a horizon of discourse
that could enable MacLaine and others to engage in mystical-scientific
speculation about spiritual healing and psychic surgery. Parapsychology pushed
the scientific argot toward the paranormal. Astrology - with its millennial
expectation of the dawning age of Aquarius-charted quasi-scientific star maps
to explain, according to principles of correspondence, the relationships
between personality, destiny, and an individual's place in the universal
scheme. Astrological dispensationalism, paralleling the Protestant
fundamentalist version, told of coming ages, or dispensations, and their
character and consequences.17
Meanwhile, as the
example of Rolling Thunder already suggests, Native American shamans and
teachers were hardly shy about sharing spiritual goods with white takers. The
Chippewa Sun Bear, to the consternation of more traditionalist Indians as well
as (later) Native American academics, gave the store away when he founded the
(white) Bear Tribe Medicine Society and regularly sponsored Medicine Wheel
gatherings from 1966. New Age people appropriated Native American rituals with
enthusiasm, holding sweats, using rattles and drums, wearing feathers, beads,
and gemstones in ceremonial ways, and adopting sacred-pipe ceremonies as well.
From Indians they learned to make pilgrimages to sacred sites, often native
ones, and they also learned to engage in mental journeying on a shamanic model.
Imitating the Native America (and the Asia) of their imagining, they revered
nature and exalted ecology. Earth became a living being, and environmental
concerns-alongside other concerns for peace and a harmonious and holistic
feminism - began to shape a social ethic.
The term "New Age"
-now loosened from its ties to Theosophy, UFOs, contactees,
and even channels and crystals-became a catch-all designation for an
alternative collection of beliefs and behaviors. No one participant in the
movement necessarily endorsed and supported all of them - or even knew about
them all. Andrew Jackson Davis's mid-nineteenth-century distinction between a
philosophical, or speculative, form of spiritualism (his own harmonial philosophy) and a phenomenal one (seances and
their enthusiasts) became strikingly appropriate for this mature New Age. A new
generation of metaphysical thinkers emerged with pragmatic agendas for
everything from mystical practice to environmental needs, from pursuit of the
divine feminine to international peace, and from promoting true science and
holistic health to spiritual and psychological transformation. To take a
leading example, New Age teacher-prophet Ken Wilber, with strong interests in
the relationship between science and spirituality, rose to prominence when he
placed transpersonal psychology on a New Age intellectual map in his 1977
Spectrum of Consciousness. Working in a field that came to be called
"noetic studies" (that,.is, studies of
consciousness), Wilber produced book after book-which all seemed one book. From
one point of view, he was teaching, for a new time, mid-twentieth-century
perennialism. From another, he was supplying it with a distinctive
psycho-physical tilt in an advance portrait of the enlightened body-self. In
Spectrum of Consciousness, for instance, he invoked dualistic and nondualistic modes of thinking with the expected
conclusion. It was "of the utmost significance," Wilbur wrote,
"that, of the vast number of scientists, philosophers, psychologists, and
theologians that have fully and deeply understood these two modes of knowing,
their unmistakable and unanimous conclusion is that the non-dual mode alone is
capable of giving ... 'knowledge of Reality.' " He had already discovered
Asian sources, and he blended them facilely with Western ones to teach the
supreme virtue of the "Now-moment." For Wilber, it was "in this
moment, right now, we are ... always arriving at Mind, we are always arriving
at WHAT IS NOW, whether that be suffering, seeking, pain, joy, or simple
confusion." The journey did not "start Now," but instead it
ended "Now, with whatever state of consciousness is present at this
moment." "That," Wilber flatly declared, was "the mystical
state, and that we are." He preached (for it was such) a "future-less
Present," in which what came was "mortification, this Great Death,
this total dying to the future by seeing Now-only." Paradoxically, with no
future in sight what was missing, too, was the past; and with the absence of
both came "no beginning in time" and "no end in time."
Instead, traveling from the mystical horizon came an "awakening" to
"that which is Unborn, and therefore to that which is Undying." 18
The problem, as
Wilber saw it, was that humans erected for themselves a "boundary,"
and so they could not reach the unitive state that represented the truest
expansion into personal growth. Once "primal resistance" began to
"dissolve," a person's "separate self" dissolved with it.
In teachings that drew copiously on an approved short list of Asian metaphysical
teachers - Ramana Maharshi, Chogyam Trungpa, Tarthang Tulku, Suzuki Roshi, and Jiddu Krishnamurti, for example- Wilber pushed for the
"no-boundary" state. "As you begin to see that everything you do
is a resistance, you start to see that even your feeling of being a separate
self 'in here' is also nothing but a resistance .... But as this becomes
obvious, there are no longer two different feelings here, no longer an experiencer on the one hand having an experience on the
other hand, but only one, single, all-pervasive feeling-the feeling of
resistance .... The feeling of self condenses into
the feeling of resistance, and both dissolve." 19
This New Age
mysticism, to be sure, seems like classic teaching, rewritten (and often not
elegantly) with the discourse community of contemporary alternative science in
mind, and rewritten as well with the body-self and its transpersonal
psychology- in mind. Apparently, too, some contemporary religious professionals
did not object. Jesuit David Toolan's "journey
into New Age consciousness," for instance, opened with the bahs at Esalen (the enlightened
body-self, with clothing an anomaly) and progressed to India. It returned west
to a rediscovered account of Genesis, in which new physics-with its
"tantric thermodynamics" - brought order through fluctuation, and it
traveled the path of meditation in ways that climaxed in Jean Houston's ritual
theater. To prime the "neural system" and the "kinesthetic
body" became keys to transpersonal reality and a new natural theology.
"You have to travel far and hear the meaning of the journey from a
stranger," Toolan wrote, "perhaps from a[ n
] Israeli physiotherapist, a clairvoyant Californian, a Sufi clown, or a
reincarnate Tibetan wise man. Spirit is like the wind; you never know where
it's coming from or when." Toolan, as a Jesuit,
freely acknowledged the tension with Catholicism that his pilgrimage brought.
He was "grateful for the internal resistance" that his Catholicism
gave to "Neoplatonism," grateful that it saved him from
"quick-fix transcendence and gnostic escapes." Still, he had made the
journey, and using the language of theoretical physicist David Bohm on the
implicate order and the hologram for support, Toolan
found the whole in the part and the part in his body. "If this is true,
the body is silent metaphor, habitation of soul, a reservoir of prophetic
dreams, our depth probe into the abyss of God's will." 20
From a more academic
perspective, process theologian and ethicist David Ray Griffin's explorations
of religion, science, and postmodernity have invoked New Age teaching without
attaching a New Age label. Griffin sought a reenchanted science and a reenchantment of the world-a return to a sense of
subjectivity, experience, and feeling within nature - and he argued that
reenchanted science was different from "sacred" science, immune to
criticism. He found the ingredients for the reenchantment
in a certain reading of quantum physics, one that was not its "dominant
interpretation ... limited to rules of calculation to predict the content of
observations." Nor was Griffin happy with the usual New Age glide from
quantum physics to mysticism. Perhaps surprisingly, though, to support his more
nuanced account, Griffin turned to Ken Wilber, citing Wilber's argument that
quantum physics promoted mysticism but did so indirectly. ''As these physicists
became aware that physical theory gave them only shadows and symbols of
reality, rather than reality itself, they became freed from the materialistic
worldview and hence open to taking their own conscious experience as real and
revelatory." Griffin likewise cited J. E. Lovelock and Lynn Margulis for
their "Gaia hypothesis" of the earth as a living organism, carefully
separating himself from overreadings of the same. He
went on to point to David Bohm and his view that "every natural unit, as
an act of enfoldment, in some sense enfolds the activity of the universe as a whole.,within it," with the universe "as an
active whole" that could be seen as "divine." Bohrn, Griffin thought, was "suggesting that
postmodern science, in speaking of the implicate order, would include reference
to divine activity." 21
These kinds of
issues, raised by elites and intellectuals, seem a far cry from ordinary
practice among those who, in one way or another, thought of themselves as New
Age. Phenomenal practice in the New Age was always-as we have seen for
metaphysical religion in general- practice grounded in ordinary procedures and
sacred technologies that, in the large sense, could be called magical. As this
narrative has elsewhere suggested, magic means a noncausative
transformation of a practitioner's self and environment in the direction of a
good desired. It is accomplished either through material means (the cultivation
of active imagination through symbolism, ritual, and alternative forms of
energy work) or purely mentalist operations (meditation and directed mental
processes, such as New Thought affirmations and denials). In the pursuit of
such magic, New Age metaphysicians combined freely from many sources to find
the techniques and practices that worked for them. With healing so prominent,
for example, energy healing practices such as Reiki flourished. Here, in a
Japanese initiatory form of palm healing, a practitioner through a series of
"attunements" felt himself or herself to be a conduit for universal
life-force energy directed to a client. Or there was Therapeutic Touch,
publicized by Dolores Krieger from ideas and practices supplied by Theosophist
Dora Kunz. Tellingly, Kunz-who claimed perception of subtle energies from
childhood-would become president of the Theosophical Society in America (the
Blavatsky-Olcott society) from 1975 to 1987, and she traced her lineage to
British Theosophist Charles W. Leadbeater, with whom she studied in Australia.
By contrast, Krieger, the publicist, was a registered nurse with a Ph.D. She
began to teach Kunz's method at New York University, meanwhile also lecturing
widely at other American and Canadian universities and professional
organizations. Almost missionary in her effort, she systematized what she had
learned for general consumption, using radio and television to effect, giving
workshops, publishing essays, and, especially, publishing her book The
Therapeutic Touch. Here she wrote familiarly of South Asian prana, teaching
that people in good health had an excess of the same and that they could
transfer it to another less blessed. The process of transfer, she declared, did
not usually deplete the giver because the healer was "in constant energy
flux," in a "continued constant flow." It was clear, too, that
the "touch" was a touch of energy and that no physical contact was
involved. The healer's hands stood several inches away from the client; auras
and chakras-carefully disguised for in-hospital use and consumption - were the
covert order of the day,22
Various forms of
New-Age shamanism cultivated active imagination in other venues, and so did an
array of related practices, such as the appropriation by some of the Chinese
art of placement-furniture, accoutrements, and similar objects-in a person's local
environment. Feng shui practices changed energy, practitioners and their
clients said, and rendered a disagreeable environment into a harmonious one.
Everywhere, seemingly, the enlightened body-self found new niches that required
transformation; everywhere the New Age world got upended and reconstructed.
Still, the time for relative quiet came in the work of meditation. Even here,
though, the preference for agency encouraged meditative techniques that
promoted energy shifts and augmentations. Kundalini and microcosmic orbits were
congenial; so was visualization in extensive formats that made real a desired
good. Nor were practices so disorganized as at first they might seem. The
combinative leanings of those who pursued the New Age, their valorization of
change, and their fear of the lackluster imprisonment of institutions - none of
these would lend themselves to the creation of strong organizations. Instead,
as this narrative has already noticed, more fluid forms of community available
through networks and networking predominated. Here, as sociologist Paul Heelas
has observed, it is best to notice different levels of commitment. Individuals
could express strong affiliation, working on the inside as New Age service
providers; or they could be strong followers-people who showed up at a series
of workshops, participated regularly in one or another small group, or the
like. Or, finally-in a variation of the now-proverbial "nightstand
Buddhists," they could be "nightstand" New Age people, reading
occasional books, attending infrequent lectures or even conferences.23
Who were these New
Age people? Sociological and demographic clues have been sketchy and general,
but there is enough, for the late twentieth century, to suggest a pattern.
Those who have identified with the movement are often unaware of their
connections to a metaphysical path but sometimes not. Either way, they share a
series of characteristics with earlier American metaphysical religionists from
the Anglo-American mainstream. They have been mostly white, more female than
male, often middle-aged, sometimes young, and frequently urban dwellers.
Although media have often overstressed their wealth by focusing on expensive
weekend workshops and seminars and the entrepreneurial goods and services that movement
people provide, the New Age population has seemed to be middle class and
upwardly mobile, better educated than average, and not especially alienated
from society. Still, a strong working-class component of the New Age cannot be
written off, even if it is quieter and less noticeable. In terms of the formal
religious backgrounds from which New Age people have come, evidence again is
less than totally persuasive, but it does suggest representative participation
by mainstream Alperican Protestants, Catholics, and
Jews. Sometimes the protestations of Jewish rabbis seem to point to a New Age
over inhabited by Jews, but the protests can be read as more a function of
Jewish fears of disappearance than of demographic realities. Similarly,
sometimes the mystically oriented practices of the New Age seem to attract more
than an even share of Catholics - perhaps caught between their sacramentalism,
which honors materiality, and their sexual ethic, which fears and reproves it.
(Jesuit David Toolan's narrative hints at this, and a
generation of Catholic New Age nuns also suggests the same.) But again, there
are no real demographics to support the characterization.24 Still more, with
the fine line that can be drawn between entrepreneurship and evangelization-and
with the self-help enthusiasm evident in many evangelical circles- it can be
argued that Protestant evangelicals provide a backbone to the New Age. Again,
the evidence is largely impressionistic, and the contrary arguments for Jews
and Catholics point to the presence of sizable representation from all three
traditions.
Given the fluid
profile of "members" in a changing network of believers and
practitioners, can anything at all be said about numbers? Criteria for
"membership" have been clearly disputable, and data to support any
given set of criteria seem often as dubious. In 1993, for example, Barry Kosmin
and Seymour Lachman announced confidently that twenty thousand Americans could
be counted in the New Age. On the basis of impressionistic evidence alone, that
estimate seems untenably low. At the other end of the spectrum, literary critic
Harold Bloom - on the basis of his decidedly nonsociological
survey of the field - has argued that "Gnosticism" (that is,
metaphysics) has been the real religion of Americans. And, in fact, even if
survey data seriously delimit the all-expansiveness of a Bloom, it can still
yield very large numbers of New Age sympathizers. Consider, for example, data
suggesting that perhaps 25 percent of Americans accepted reincarnation beliefs
in the late 1980s. Meanwhile, if we want to return to the camp of the narrow,
we can limit membership to people who have subscribed to major New Age
periodicals, listed themselves in movement directories, or signed up as
participants in New Age-identified events such as the Whole Life Expos held in
a series of cities as annual gatherings and emporia. Or, as another strategy,
we can sweep most of the un-churched into a catch-all New Age designation with
roughly 7 percent of the populace in the category by the mid-1980s, and among
baby boomers and those younger noticeably more. To be safe, we could add some
crossover members from traditional religions.25
None of these
strategies has seemed entirely persuasive, and sociological estimates
themselves have moved from the Kosmin-Lachman twenty thousand to a high of
sixty million believer-practitioners for the United States alone. In this
context, the most sophisticated guess f& the American situation may have
come from British sociologist Paul Heelas, with his tripartite reading of
levels of New Age involvement- "fully-engaged," "serious
part-timer," and "casual part-timer." On the basis of all three,
Heelas was willing to offer his view in the mid-1990s. "Thinking of the
USA," he wrote, it was "safe to say that well in excess of 10 million
people currently have some contact with what is on supply. But we neither know
the total figure, nor the numbers-over the 10 million figure-for whom the
contact is, to varying degrees, significant." 26
Still, with the
thorough combinativeness of New Age aficionados -
with the readiness with which all universalist metaphysical beliefs expand and
incorporate others-the attempt to segregate a New Age community can never fully
persuade. New Age beliefs, by definition, merge into general American beliefs
and values, and the generalization is especially cogent for the philosophical
side of the movement. More than that, signs of the decline of an ebullient New
Age movement, by the early twenty-first century, are marked. The millennium happened,
and it had not happened. The new world of the New Age was still clearly encased
in the old. New Age people themselves declared the movement to be over, and so
did some scholars. On the basis of media coverage alone, it is clear that the
story has not been so compelling as it had been two decades earlier. Decline,
however, is hardly the end. From the first bursts of upper-case enthusiasm for
the New Age, some in the metaphysical community-with all the requisite beliefs
and practices-resisted the designation. Indeed, sometimes it seemed that those
who accepted the New Age label functioned as counterparts to self-styled
fundamentalists among conservative Protestant evangelicals: Not everybody whom
scholars would call fundamentalists called themselves that, and those who did
had their reasons. From a far different perspective, the distinct repertoire of
beliefs and practices that acquired the New Age label tumbled over
boundaries-as had the beliefs and practices of an earlier New Thought-to become
more or less public property. In the early twenty-first century, arguably, a
renewed and far more encompassing metaphysical spirituality was abroad in the
land.
For an example of
resistance to New Age characterization, consider the neopagan community of the
late twentieth century. In his huge and literature-based study of New Age
religion, Dutch scholar Wouter J. Hanegraaff
sets aside an entire chapter to discuss the phenomenon of neopaganism and its
status as a form of magic. He sees neopaganism as one of the major trends in
New Age religion-channeling, healing, and New Age science being others-and he
clearly has grounds for the argument. In his reading, neopagan magic is
"different from traditional magic" because the magical worldview is
"purposely adopted as a reaction to the""disenchanted'
wJ;lrld of modern western society." Hanegraaff cites major historical markers for any
discussion of American and English neopaganism - the presence of Wicca, its
foundation in 1939 by Britisher Gerald Gardner, evocations of medieval witch
persecutions by Margaret Murray in her WitchCult in
Western Europe, the ritual magic of another Britisher, Aleister
Crowley, "spiritually-oriented feminism" resulting in the Goddess
movement, and the like.27
This might all seem
unexceptional, save that American neopagans have themselves resisted New Age
categorization. With comments on neopagans' rather extensive cultural
borrowing, for instance, religious studies scholar Sarah M. Pike has alluded to
the general neopagan disdain for New Age people as "inauthentic."
Admitting that neopagans find it hard to distinguish themselves from the New
Age community, she observes that clearly, for neopagans, the boundary is
"very significant" because people persist in "making the
attempt" to separate the two. One neopagan whom Pike quotes writes that
the New Age is "a very shallow approach to everything, taken without any
real context or understanding of anything. It also seems to have been stripped
of anything that might really challenge people or make them uncomfortable-yes,
you too can achieve Total Enlightenment in about an Hour!" New Agers are
"superficial" and pursue "worry-free knowledge." Unlike
pagans who attend festivals to draw closer to the natural world, New Age people
"hypocritically" avoid "any real contact." Neopagans feel
that those who identify as New Age do not like the community of witches any
better than the witches like New Agers. Moreover, neopagans complain of New Age
financial exploitation. All of this, of course, hardly adds up to a clear and
analytically cogent set of distinctions, and it is not material that is easily
falsifiable. Even more, a set of shared beliefs and practices can be
identified, as Pike notes. Both pagans and New Age people, she observes, share
"beliefs and practices that many conservative Christians find dangerous:
visualization, sacralization of nature, 'occult' techniques such as divination
and astrology, and interest in American Indian and other non-European
religions." 28 Still, the refusal to connect with the New Age agenda
continues to point to an abiding sense of separation and distance in the
self-perception of pagans. The simple fact that one can distinguish
semantically-the New Age, the neopagan-itself speaks volumes.
Yet if neopagans were
issuing a call to separation from New Age metaphysicians, even as they read
their manifestos a counter-process was occurring. Against the backdrop of the
new millennium, the old millennialism of the late-twentiethcentury
New Age was coming apart. The early and lower-case new age had come largely out
of theosophical splinter groups of Baileyite and I AM
provenance and later. It had transformed ascended masters into space-age
extraterrestrial visitors of superior wisdom and had reinterpreted spirit
communication as entity channeling in a technological new-science milieu with
the energy of light and crystals carrying multiple significations. The mature
New Age, with its upper-case authority and media blitzes, had folded space
commander-teachers, channels, and crystals under a larger, looser canopy of
holistic healing. It had included among its blessings not only physical,
emotional, and spiritual health but also pleasure and prosperity, magic and
metaphysics. And it was fed more evenhandedly by New Thought and Theosophy, and
also by Transcendentalism, quantum physics, human-potential discourses that
opened to transpersonal psychology and parapsychology, environmentalism and
Native Americana, astrology, and very much more. Its habit of combination only
grew stronger as, like a vast cultural sponge, it absorbed whatever spiritual
moisture was available. The postmillennial New Age, however, found the moisture
disintegrating the medium. New Age became old age, the relic of a slightly
unfashionable past - still around to be sure but beginning to seem a little too
musty and precious. Like Ken Wilber's "now," the media-promoted New
Age was dying to its own past and to a future.
The slow and
continuing death of the New Age, however, was the beginning of its rise and
future. Just as Theosophy and New Thought, in the early twentieth century, had
dissolved into more and more diffuse renderings, just as their spin-offs and
ideational contents spread outside their cultural containers into America at
large, the New Age began to do the same. Now it was "new
spirituality" - a new spirituality that went its way innocuously and under
labeled. Meditation became a property that even mainstream churches promoted.
Environmentalism brought sacred sensibilities into the offices of lobbyists.
Alternative healing, to the consternation of mainstream medical professionals,
became a majority practice alongside the work of credentialed physicians.
Psychics found their niches as service professionals, helping police, for
example, to identify criminals. Hypnotherapists helped people to lose weight,
curb their smoking, cut their alcoholism or their drug habit, and succeed in
testing situations in which previously they had been frozen. Testimonies to the
creative power of thought were everywhere, and motivational speakers made them
their paycheck. Life coaches became fashionable. Indian-style jewelry and
crystals seemed mostly unremarkable. Even past lives could provide the stuff of
accepted party conversations, while references to a person's karma did not
raise eyebrows. Chakras functioned as part of a new spiritual vocabulary.
The New Age was stepping aside for a new and exoteric spiritual America.
In this new spiritual
America, metaphysical religiosity-found already in its proto form among the mix
of peoples in North America in the early seventeenth century-was showing itself
the resilient, chameleonlike, and pervasive reality that it was. By refusing to
be separated out into a set of organizations or discrete identities, by
disengaging its own discourse community in favor of generalization,
metaphysical religion made itself a lingua franca that could be shared, even
for those who self-consciously identified with one or another organized religious
body. Metaphysicians could exist both in and outside Christianity, or Judaism,
or other inherited traditions. Still further, the lingua franca did promote
certain semantic choices, and it did provide a vocabulary of engagement that
marked its late-twentieth early-twenty-first-century time. Metaphysical
religiosity-in the declining New Age and in the new spirituality that was
succeeding it-was different from the metaphysical religion of a century
previous. The old teaching of correspondence was there, and so was the
discourse of the power of mind - whether God's or a person's own. A disguised
Hermeticism still prevailed. But the mind had manifestly acquired a body, and
the body refused to stay out of metaphysical discourse. It was the enlightened
body-self that twenty-first-century metaphysicians and their immediate
forebears hailed. More than that, it was an enlightened body-self in seemingly
perpetual need of energy. Was the world racing too fast? Were there too many
tasks to be done? Was there not enough time or space for contemplation?
Whatever the spiritual and practical dilemmas, the sense of exhaustion and the
need to be charged with a divinizing energy were ubiquitous. New spirituality
in America meant energy spirituality, and the energies of mesmerists and ether
vibrations were only preparation for what had transpired.
In its exotericism
the new spirituality had also taken the mid-nineteenth century spiritualist
impulse for mass marketing and run with it in new and more sophisticated ways.
As the media grew in a computer-age technological universe, so did the mystical
capacity for exotericism keep pace. Metaphysicians had come out of their
closets to make headline news, and clearly they were loving it. Secrets had
gone public by a mile or a beer keg, and nobody seemed to mind. In this
atmosphere of public scrutiny and public property, too, the old social agendas
of metaphysicians assumed new cogency. Alice Bailey's Triangles could function
under the shadow of the United Nations in quiet ways, but-more noticeable
new-spirituality advocates learned their politics in order to work concretely
for environmentalism, peace, and feminism. They could side with political
candidates-Greens, Natural Law, and even old-fashioned Democrats and
Republicans-as issues and values warranted. Out of the closet meant entry into
history,
and
metaphysicians-who had always known that there was a social order-by the
twenty-first century knew it more. Their religious history had been a history
of combinative belief and practice, and they unabashedly continued their
combinative ways as they preached behavioral sermons, unawares, on the exchange
meaning of community. Indeed, what befell the New Age was also befalling the
new spirituality. Both combined t4emselves so habitually and unremarkably that,
as regular fare, they tended to lose themselves and find themselves reinvented.
For the American
religious historian, though, the metaphysical habit of combination provides a
large historiographical clue about how to make sense of the spiritual life of
the nation. Seen from the perspective of early-twenty-first-century
metaphysical religion, combinative practices supply an important insight about
what everybody had been doing all along. If consensus historiography needed to
be long gone in the face of the ongoing demise of a central Protestant
consensus, the historiography of pluralism seems also to limp. Americans were
neither purely and simply tolerating one another nor contesting one another for
limited goods, as the standard interpretive tropes of the pluralist
historiographical model suggest.29 Rather, from a religious perspective, they
were begging, borrowing, and stealing from one another, and they were doing it
in broad historiographical daylight with little or no apology. Catholics and
Protestants did it, and so did Jews. When Muslims became new neighbors on the
block, they did it as well, and so did South and East Asians. Native Americans
and African Americans had long since made their appropriations, and the public
secret that was now emerging was that whites had all along borrowed from
Indians and from blacks as well. Americans, in short, were - and had long been
- reinventing their spiritual selves and communities to produce transformed
religious worlds. Hence they require a historiography of connection, one
noticing that contact is much of what there is to tell and that contact demands
a new emplotment as a comprehensive American
religious narrative. Religion in the United States, in general, needs to be
noticed for its overlapping between and among cultural worlds.
For metaphysical
religiosity itself and its contemporary presence as new spirituality, its
embrace of mental and material magic has pointed one way toward a reenchantment of the world. If as Jonathan Z. Smith has argued,
religion is a process of human labor-and labor that, in ritual terms, goes on
in the struggle with incongruity-the religious work of magical presence needs
to be recognized for its access to the powers of human imagination and, so, for
its theological power.30 Metaphysicians, through the course of American
religious history, struggled with human incongruity-intellectual, emotional,
environmental, practical, spiritual. They felt the pain that others felt and-in
their vernacular community took a hands-on approach to finding solutions. So
they created-stories, more sophisticated narratives, theologies. It was
labor, indeed-often hard work; and its results were likewise often uneven. When
creations did not function smoothly, metaphysicians sometimes hyper invented
them, and thus they perpetrated hoax and fraud. When the creations needed
novelty to arrest and attract, metaphysicians sometimes also hyper invented
those, and the results were absurdities. Even when they exalted themselves as
gods in the making or already made, metaphysicians still found that they needed
to consult and that often the consultations came as revelations from beings who
were higher than their godly selves. But metaphysicians had gifts' for
persuasion, and they found ready niches in the imaginations of their friends
and neighbors. Sometimes their work turned out well, and sometimes it became
mightily persuasive. Whether they produced art or kitsch, however, they did
labor at religion outside the box. In their openness and vulnerability, their
failures and successes, a magic still dwells.
1. Doug Boyd,
Rolling Thunder (New York: Dell, 1974), 112, 7-8.
2. Marilyn
Ferguson, The Aquarian Conspiracy: Personal and Social Transformation in the
1980s (1980), 2d ed. (Los Angeles: J. P. Tarcher,
1987), 17-21, 19.
3. Ibid., 422
(emphasis in original), 423.
4. Shirley
MacLaine, Out on a Limb (New York: Bantam, 1983); Robert Butler, Shirley
MacLaine, et aI., Out on a Limb (Video recording; Los
Angeles: ABC Video, 1986); Robert Butler, Shirley MacLaine, et aI., Out on a Limb (Video recording; Troy, Mich.: StarMaker, 1986).
5. J. Gordon
Melton, "Whither the New Age?" in Timothy Miller, ed., America's
Alternative Religions (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), 349;
see, also, J. Gordon Melton, "An Overview of the New Age Movement,"
in J. Gordon Melton, Jerome Clark, and Aidan A. Kelly, New Age Encyclopedia
(Detroit: Gale, 1990), xxv.
6. See Jerome
Clark, "UFOs in the New Age," in Melton, Clark, and Kelly, eds., New
Age Encyclopedia, 312-13; Carl G. Jung, Flying Saucers: A Modem Myth of Things
Seen in the Sky (New York: Harcourt Brace tovanovitch,
1969)'
7. See Clark,
"UFOs in the New Age," 313; George Adamski and Desmond Leslie, Flying
Saucers Have Landed (New York: British Book Center, 1953); George Adamski,
Inside the Flying Saucers (New York: Abelard-Schuman, 1955).
8. Robert S.
Ellwood Jr., Religious and Spiritual Groups in Modem America (Englewood Cliffs,
N.].: Prentice-Hall, 1973), 150-51; George Hunt Williamson and Alfred C.
Bailey, The Saucers Speak! A Documentary Report ofInterstellar
Communication by Radiotelegraphy (Los Angeles: New Age, 1954); F. P. B. [George
Hunt Williamson], The Brotherhood of the Seven Rays (Secret of the Andes)
(Clarksburg, W. Va.: Saucerian, 1961); J. Gordon
Melton, "Brotherhood of the Seven Rays," in J. Gordon Melton, ed.,
Encyclopedia of American Religions, 4th ed. (Detroit: Gale, 1993), 729-3°.
9. Ellwood,
Religious and Spiritual Groups, 131; on channeling, see Michael F. Brown, The
Channeling Zone: American Spirituality in an Anxious Age (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1997), esp. 51-53, where Brown compares channeling to
old-style spiritualism; on JZ Knight, see J. Gordon Melton, Finding
Enlightenment: Ramtha's School of Ancient Wisdom (Hillsboro, Oreg.: Beyond Words, 1998).
10. J. Gordon Melton,
"Seth," in Melton, New Age Encyclopedia, 407-9; Roberts's novel -on
overpopulation-was Jane Roberts, The Rebellers (New
York: Ace, 1963); the first Seth book was Jane Roberts, The Seth Material
(Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: PrenticeHall,1970).
11. Melton,
"Seth," 407; Jane Roberts, Seth Speaks: The Eternal Validity of the
Soul (1972), 2d ed., with notes by Robert F. Butts (San Rafael, Calif.:
Amber-Allen, 1994), 3-4-
12. MacLaine,
Out on a Limb, 142ff., 164-65, 181, 187.
13. Ibid.,
298-99,3°2,3°5 (emphasis in original), 308, 309 (emphasis in original), 312-13.
14. See Brad Steiger, Revelation: The Divine Fire (Englewood Cliffs,
N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1973); Shirley MacLaine, Going Within: A Guide for Inner
Transformation (New York: Bantam, 1989), 18, 25, 27 (emphasis in original), 29,
53-63, 68.
15. MacLaine,
Going Within, 69, 95-96,226-27.
16. Ibid., 232
(emphasis in original), 263. 17- For a discussion on which this one is in part
dependent, see Catherine L. Albanese, America: Religions and Religion, 3d ed.
(Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1999), 352-69.
18. Ken Wilbur,
The Spectrum of Consciousness (1977; rpt., Wheaton, Ill.: Theosophical
Publishing, 1993), 37, 326-27 (upper case in original).
19. Ken Wilber,
No Boundary: Eastern and Western Approaches to Personal Growth (Boston:
Shambhala, 1985), 158 (emphasis in original), 159-60.
20. David Toolan, Facing West from California's Shores: A Jesuit's
Journey into New Age Consciousness (New York: Crossroad, 1987), 3-25,229, 238,
285, 291, 309, 311, 313; David Bohm, Wholeness and the Implicate Order (London:
Routledge and Kegan Paul,1980).
21. David Ray
Griffin, "Introduction: The Reenchantment of
Science," in David Ray Griffin, ed., The Reenchantment
of Science: Postmodern Proposals (Albany: State University of New York Press,
1988),2,12-13,13,15,
22. On Reiki,
see Catherine L. Albanese, Nature Religion in America: From the Algonkian
Indians to the New Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), 186-89;
and Barbara Weber Ray, The Reiki Fact!:!.r: A Guide to Natural Healing,
Helping, and Wholeness (Smithtown, N.Y.: Exposition, 1983). On Therapeutic
Touch, see Dolores Krieger, The Therapeutic Touch: How to Use Your Hands to
Help or to Heal (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1979), esp. 12-13.
23. For a
discussion of levels of commitment and "membership" in the New Age
movement, see Paul Heelas, The New Age Movement: The Celebration of the Self
and the Sacralization of Modernity (Oxford, England: Blackwell, 1996), 117-20.
24. On New Age
entrepreneurialism, see Kimberly J. Lau, New Age Capitalism: Making Money East
of Eden (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2000); Heelas, New Age
Movement, 9°-98; and Brown, Channeling Zone, 142-73. On Catholic New Age nuns,
see the practices reported in Sarah McFarland Taylor, "Sisters of Earth:
Catholic Nuns Reinhabiting Religion at Genesis Farm (Ph.D. diss., University of
California, Santa Barbara, 1999), although the nuns themselves reject the New
Age designation.
25. Barry Kosmin
and Seymour Lachman, One Nation under God: Religion in Contemporary American
Society (New York: Harmony, 1993), 17; Harold Bloom, The American Religion: The
Emergence of the Post-Christian Nation (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1992); on
survey data on reincarnation beliefs, see the survey conducted by sociologists
of religion Wade Clark Roof and Phillip E. Hammond in the states of North
Carolina, Ohio, Massachusetts, and California, which reported 19, 25, 28, and
30 percent of Catholics and Protestants believing in reincarnation in the
respective states, in Phillip E. Hammond, Religion and Personal Autonomy: The
Third Disestablishment in America (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press,
1992), 131; on the unchurched in America from the early 1970S to the mid-1980s,
see Wade Clark Roof and William McKinney, American Mainline Religion: Its
Changing Shape and Future (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1987), 255,
172-81, passim.
26. Heelas, New
Age Movement, 120 (emphasis in original).
27. Wouter J. Hanegraaff, New Age
Religion and Western Culture: Esotericism in the Mirror of Secular Thought
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996), 77-93, 84 (emphasis in original), 87-88; Margaret
Murray, The Witch-Cult in Western Europe (1921; rpt., Oxford, England:
Clarendon, 1967).
28. Sarah M.
Pike, Earthly Bodies, Magical Selves: Contemporary Pagans and the Search for
Community (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 145 (boldface in
original),96.
29. For an
optimistic reading of toleration, see, e.g., the theologically driven account
by Diana L. Eck, A New Religious America: How a "Christian Country"
Has Now Become the World's Most Religiously Diverse Nation (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 2001); and, for a more conflictual
reading of pluralism, see R. Laurence Moore, Religious Outsiders and the Making
of Americans (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).
30. See Jonathan
Z. Smith, Imagining Religion: From Babylon to Jonestown (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1982), esp. 43, 57, 89. On "a magic dwells" (below),
see ibid., 19-35.
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