Of the factors that shaped today's Middle East - Islam, the Ottoman Empire, European colonialism, the foundation of the state of Israel, US power and oil- history has closed the book only on the Ottoman and European empires. Even so, their legacies remain important. The other four factors persist, joined by two more to shape current political dilemmas and opportunities - demography and the nature of governance.

As the Arab world sought independence from European colonial rule, some Arab thinkers and politicians envisaged a larger goal than independent statehood; a vision of pan-Arab unity. For a century and a half from the time of Napoleon Bonaparte's defeat of the Mamluks in Egypt in 1798, the Middle East was confronted, challenged and, by many measures, bested by Europe. One answer to the overriding question of how the Arab world should respond to the challenge of western European power came in the form of anti-colonialism. But to be against colonial domination could not, neither in logic nor in political reality, be a matter only of opposing the existing dominant foreign power. It had to be also a statement - a political programme, in fact - of the better future that would be obtained through overthrowing colonial power. Despite some nostalgia for a different empire, by and large the anti-colonial movements did not seek a return to Ottoman rule; instead, they sought independence - a new state. As movements for independence got going however, the pre-existing unity of the region began to influence political ideas and programmes. Though there are many differences among Arabs in different parts of the region - inevitably in such large and relatively thinly populated areas there is also much that is shared in terms of language and culture, not least religion, history and experience. It is easy to exaggerate how much is shared; not all Arabs are Muslims, for example, and there are several different forms of Arabic, some of which are barely mutually comprehensible. There are also sharp rivalries and different interests among the Arab elites and, as everywhere, deep cleavages of class and sharp distinctions between urban and rural dwellers. Nonetheless, Arabs in different parts of the Middle East have mutual connections that are much stronger and more real than those to be found among, for example, Europeans in different parts of Europe. Moreover, advocates of Arab unity argued that, on top of everything else they shared, the Arab world also had a common enemy - the West.

To the citizens of the new state, the declaration of Israel's independence on 14 May 1948 marked the realization of a dream and the creation of a place of survival and belonging after genocide. To Palestinians, the event is simply known as al-nakba - the catastrophe. The term Zionism was coined by a Jewish writer a few years after the beginning, in 1882, of migration to historic Palestine by Jews with the goal not only of escaping anti-Jewish prejudice, discrimination and, at worst, pogroms, but also of ultimately establishing a homeland. Despite the political intention, the early migrations seemed innocuous and the numbers insignificant. Different population estimates show between 10,000 and 24,000 Jews living in the area later called Palestine in about 1880. Over the next three decades, perhaps as many as 1,000 Jews arrived each year. By the end of World War I, some estimates put the Jewish population as numbering about 56,000. The meaning of this migration and its possible consequences only started to clarify during World War I as the Ottoman Empire went from decline to break-up. As plans were formulated to re-make the Middle East, and with the declaration in 1917 by British Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour supporting 'the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people,' Zionism became both more significant and realistic. Though the Zionist Organization's 1919 proposal for a Jewish homeland stretching well to the east of the Jordan river was flatly rejected by the great powers, the British government permitted continuing Jewish immigration into Palestine throughout the inter-war years. The British authorities did, however, make a sharp division between the areas to the west and to the east of the river, and in 1922 established Transjordan as a separate entity into which they refused to permit further Jewish immigration.

International Court of Justice ruling in 2004 that the wall being built as a security barrier between Israel and the West Bank is illegal, because parts of its route link settlements to the main territory of Israel. The IslamicResistance Movement, Hamas, had not recognized Israel as a legal state by the time it formed the government of the Palestine Authority (P A) in 2006.


Oct. 30, 2007: Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah arrives for a controversial visit in the UK today while warning, the fight against Muslim extremism (‘terrorism’ he said) would take 20-30 years. Of couse topic of discussion at Downingstreet will be Iran. The remark about a 20-30 year timeframe, in our opinion confirms the fact that the threat of an Islamist takeover in the Middle East is unrealistic on a long term basis. Because the Islamists' vision of state and society ultimatly is incompatible with today's realities, making it too radical an alternative.



 

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