By Eric Vandenbroeck

This article comes in the wake of the overview I started here:

The argument one constantly hears from the various self-styled Orders of St.John like also the earlier mentioned "The Sovereign Hospitaller Order of Saint John of Jerusalem Knights of Malta" or the OOSJ that the real Order ended or "the real history of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem ends with the disgraceful capitulation at Malta in 1798." (as will be evidenced underneath) is simple, not true. As seen above, during initial conversation I had about this subject all specialist Historians agreed (as stated by for example historian Matthias Ebejer and Professor Emanuel Buttigieg) that: Paul I wanted to become a Grand Master to secure also for himself a base in the Mediterranean (at the expense of the French and British), and whatever agreements he had with Grand Master Hompesch are null and void. When Hompesch died, he was replaced by Lt GM Tommasi, and that's where the legitimacy continued. A Grand Master cannot nominate his successor. And that: Only the Pope can suppress a religious order and that has never happened in the case of the Knights of Malta.

Having suggested I would try to investigate what Dr. Emanuel Buttigieg referred to as "the Papacy called the remnants of the Order to settle in Rome in the 1830s to begin the process of re-organizing", and following the here presented details it has become clear that the original Order indeed continued unabated. Or as H. J. A. Sire already earlier unequivalently wrote that the Order's continuing sovereign status was not forfeited through the loss of Malta. For example as we shall see from a census drawn up by Commander Amabile Vella early in 1826, there were then 121 professed knights still living, most of them in possession of commanderies. And whereby the census ignored the French, who were then reckoned to have some forty professed knights: the members of the separated Spanish Priories were also excluded. In addition, there were 268 Knights of justice who had not taken vows but remained celibate; the Order's custom was to class them as novices, even if they had, in fact, completed their year's novitiate. These figures show proportionally a numerical advance of the professed from the time just before the French Revolution.

Even Pope Leo XII himself admitted that he was a member of the Order of St. John. When he was still nuncio, Cardinal della Genga the future Pope wrote in 1814 to the Lieutenant Di Giovanni, "I have the honor to belong to the Order".1 Reference here is to the Sovereign Military Hospitaller Order of Saint John of Jerusalem of Rhodes and of Malta (Italian: Sovrano Militare Ordine Ospedaliero di San Giovanni di Gerusalemme di Rodi e di Malta) in short referred to as the Sovereign Military Order of Malta (SMOM).

Also, the next Pope, Pius  VIII acknowledged that the Order still very much existed and after the death of the latter Gregory XVI granted a brief, empowering the Lieutenant Antonio Busca, to govern the Order alone and issue all necessary decrees on his own authority, and this became the legal basis of the Order's government for the next fourteen years.2 In his eagerness to help the knights, Gregory XVI also proposed at this time to restore the Grand  Mastership; but the Lieutenant refused the offer with derision. Such a head, he wrote, could be no more than a playing-card king.3

As soon as he heard of Busca's death in Milan, Gregory XVI issued a brief, dated 23 May 1834, appointing the Neapolitan knight Carlo Candida Lieutenant of the Order, and at the same time raising him to the rank of Bailiff. The Pope's action was so prompt that Candida's first knowledge of the Lieutenant's death was from the brief calling him to fill the vacancy.

Candida had been living in Rome since 1819 as the Receiver of the Grand Priory and had taken up rooms in the Order's old embassy in the Via Condotti, known then as now as the Palazzo di Malta, whose administration he handled. He was well known to the Pope and many members of the Roman Curia, including the Secretary of State.

Born in 1762, Candida had become a knight at the age of twenty -five and had commanded the Capitana galley in the Order's last years in Malta. If he had been elected Lieutenant in 1814, the Order's history in the next twenty years would have been very different; but he was then living in Naples, cut off from the Convent since the Napoleonic conquest. When Gregory XVI called him to the head of the Order he was aged seventy-two and had two episodes of serious ill health behind him.

Within four days of his appointment, Candida decided that the Convent of the Order was to be reassembled in Rome, in the Order's own palace. The clerical employees who were still working in Ferrara (where the previous convent was in operation till the end of 1831), including some old Maltese dependants, were therefore summoned to come, with all the Order's effects. In fact, the closure of the Convent had made little difference in Ferrara except that the knights no longer had a residence in common.

 

Opening of hospital in Rome

Candida was concerned that the novitiate for Knights of Justice should be a real one, and he, therefore, asked the Pope for a hospital in Rome where the novices could carry out the traditional service to the sick. In 1835 Gregory granted him the old hospital of Cento Preti at the Ponte Sisto; and the adjoining church of St Francis of Assisi. The hospital was opened on Christmas Day 1835.4

Of course, at that time the Order was also still in the grip of competing political ambitions in Europe. For example that same year (in 1835) the Prime Minister of France, the Duc de Broglie, proposed entrusting the Knights of Malta with the maritime patrols to suppress the Atlantic slave trade, but the scheme was blocked by British opposition. Later, Candida held negotiations to acquire the island of Ponza from the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, wanting to open a large marine hospital there for the benefit of all nations, but Britain opposed that too.

But although Candida inherited a government which had been reduced to a virtual nullity, from the point of view of its personal resources the Order of 1834 as we have seen, was far from extinct. This is also documented by a census drawn up by Commander Amabile Vella early in 1826, from which it appears that there were then 121 professed knights still living, most of them in possession of commanderies.5 Being Vella's work, the census naturally ignored the French, who were then reckoned to have some forty professed knights: the members of the separated Spanish Priories were also excluded. In addition, there were 268 Knights of justice who had not taken vows but remained celibate; the Order's custom was to class them as novices, even if they had, in fact, completed their year's novitiate. These figures show proportionally a numerical advance of the professed from the time just before the French Revolution when fewer than a quarter of the Knights of Justice was in vows - a natural development since there were by now hardly any young men or boys left in the Order. Both professed and non-professed were, however, reckoned as religious, and the convention is a justified one; firstly, because novices are usually considered members of their religious order (although in strict canon law they are not); more particularly, because a knight who had made his proofs of nobility and paid his entrance fee acquired a constitutional right in the Order of Malta such as only exceptionally arose in other religious orders; and lastly, one may add, because in practice the taking of vows made little or no difference to the duties of one who was already a Knight of Justice.

Allowing for a good number of deaths since 1826, we may reckon that there must have been 200 or 300 Knights of Justice living when Candida took charge in 1834, besides a few dozen professed chaplains. Strictly we ought to add the nuns of the surviving convents in Italy, until their suppression along with the other religious orders by the Italian Kingdom later in the century; but in practice the relations between the male branch of the Order and the female seem, deplorable, to have been virtually non-existent at this period. To revive the Knights' corporate life, Candida held a Chapter of the Order in Rome in March 1838, the news of which reached the aged Count Litta in St Petersburg.6

One development of this time that Candida could do nothing about was the loss of the Portuguese Priory. The fortunes of that distant branch had been in decline for a number of Years. In 1821 the Cortes, following the same revolutionary trend as in contemporary Spain, confiscated the commanderies, but they were returned on the restoration of monarchical rule after 1823. The lack of effective control from Catania produced, however a disintegration of discipline. By 1826 the Receiver was reporting that some commanders refused to pay their responsions (which were not paid to the Lieutenancy but appropriated to the royal treasury), and the Bailiff of Leca foresaw the imminent dissolution of the Priory.7 In 1831 Busca wrote of the Portuguese: "Our knights are in full dissension and at furious war with each other"; and "they have declared themselves against the Convent, to which they do not wish to be subject.8 Under the absolutist King Michael I (1827-34), who was himself a former Knight of Justice and Grand Prior of Crato, the Order enjoyed royal favor, but his reign was ended by revolution and civil war, in which the commanderies were expropriated by the new Liberal regime. Receptions to the Order ceased, and the Priory became extinct with the deaths of the last Knights of Justice in the 1860s.

In France, the state of paralysis that had existed for the past ten years was partially relieved. Busca had created very few Knights of Devotion there (at Ferrette's proposal) after 1824, and none at all in his last years; of Knights of Justice, there was no question. But Candida soon resumed grants, the earliest being in November 1835. The Council of the French Langues had had its existence shattered by the revolution of 1830, but attempts to revive it were begun with a meeting held in Paris on 25 July 1835. It was attended by thirty-eight noblemen, including four Knights of Justice who had relinquished their celibacy and several members with strong family links to the Order.9 The old professed knights - who according to an imposter by the name of Pierre-Hippolyte Laporterie who called himself "Marquis de Sainte-Croix de Molay" had been reduced by 1830 to only eleven 10 - were nearly all dead; the Bailli de Calonne d' Avesnes (1744­-1840) was still living, but in his nineties, and he was not represented. Sainte-Croix himself had turned his attention by these years to recruiting aspiring knights in England, and he no longer appears in the French proceedings. Authorities in Marseilles were later trying to prosecute him for fraud.11 The policy of the Ordinary Council, as revived in 1835, was to respect the decisions of Busca in 1824 and to recognize none of the Knighthoods of Justice that had been granted by the Commission or those of Devotion that had not been confirmed by Catania. At its first session, the Council elected as its Mandatary General Baron Jean-Baptiste de Nottret de Saint-Lys, who claimed to have been received as a Knight of Minority in 1789. The objectives were to revive the Order in France, to recover its properties and even to recover the debt of Louis XVI, which had been recognized by Louis XVIII in 1814.

Such was the recent lack of contact between the French and the Lieutenancy that Nottret did not attempt to write to Italy for two years, and when he wrote his first letter on 20 April 1837 he addressed it to Busca in Ferrara, following it up with a letter to Vella.12 The correspondence found its way to Candida, and by December Nottret was able to give the Lieutenant news of a surprising development. The French knights had gained the support of the bachelor Prince Honore V of Monaco, who was talking of becoming a Knight of Justice and leaving his principality to the Order.13 After a brief correspondence (which has been only partially preserved in the archives), Candida snubbed Nottret, and the French Council was never granted recognition; the death of Prince Honore in 1841 dispelled its hopes and virtually brought it to an end. On the other hand, the prestige of the Order in France was advanced at this time by the reception of prominent noblemen, including the Dukes Alfred-Charles and Stanis las de Blacas d'Aulps, Prince Jules-Antoine de Clermont-Tonnerre and Prince Ferdinand de Faucigny-Lucinge.

Within five years of Candida's appointment, the affairs of the Order presented a very different aspect from that of the previous decade. The spectacle of the Knights of Malta now established with honor in Rome, and doing what their vocation required of them, transformed the attitude towards the Order among the rulers of Italy. The oppressive policies of the past twenty years were everywhere reversed. In January 1839, after negotiations conducted by the Bali Ferretti in Vienna, the Emperor Ferdinand I founded the combined Priory of Lombardy and Venice with the remnant of what its two predecessors had had; unsoftened by the imperial generosity, Candida stood out vigorously against the Priory's being placed at the mercy of Habsburg patronage. The Pope's nephew Giovanni Cappellari became Grand Prior and was installed in the old prioral palace in Venice, where he retained his office until 1870. The act of restoration was supported by the Dukes of Parma, Modena, and Lucca, who revived the commanderies in their respective states. In December 1839 King Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies made amends for his father's persecution by refounding the Order in his kingdom, likewise grouped into one Grand Priory. Giovanni Borgia (not one of the two stalwarts of the Convent) was appointed its superior, and the old convent of Santi Bernardo e Margherita in the city of Naples became the prioral seat.

One sign of regard that Candida did not achieve was the right of diplomatic representation. Although the Order maintained agents in Naples and the minor capitals of Italy until their fall in 1860, only the chargé d'affaires in the Duchies of Modena and Parma were accorded diplomatic privilege. Thus the Order's continuing sovereign status, not forfeited through the loss of Malta, essentially rested during the whole period from 1814 to 1918 on the recognition of two powers, the Austrian Empire and the Holy See. In the latter, the diplomatic representation was, however, in abeyance. The Brigadier Bussi had died in March 1834; Busca then asked Candida to take over his duties but refused to appoint him envoy. When the headquarters of the Order were moved to Rome, the post of envoy was left vacant, through diplomatic recognition continued in principle and the Palazzo Malta retained the status of an embassy.

The war in Syria from 1839 to 1841, resulting from the continuing disintegration of the Ottoman Empire, raised expectations for the founding of an independent Catholic principality there, and Candida had hopes of gaining a foothold in Acre and reviving the hospital that the Order had maintained there from 1191 to 1292.14 His hopes were not realised, but in 1841 he was able to expand the charitable work in Rome when the hospice of Cento Preti was turned into the Pontifical Military Hospital for old soldiers and sailors of the Papal States, and on 1 September Gregory XVI came in person to open the new premises. In the three years of its existence, its number of inmates fluctuated between 184 and 325.15 In 1844, however, the hospital was destroyed in an act of arson committed by a medical assistant, and the Order's work of care for the sick was reduced to nothing. In April of that year, the Lieutenant suffered a serious illness, from which he had a difficult convalescence. In the late weeks of 1844 he was no longer able to attend to business, and on 20 December the Pope appointed a council of three knights to administer the Order in his stead. After a partial recovery, he died on 10 July 1845, and at his funeral, his coffin was exposed on a catafalque denoting the rank of a cardinal.

Gregory XVI appointed the senior Knight of Justice, Alessandro Borgia, Lieutenant ad interim and gave directions for an international election for the new superior, the first that the knights had held since 1805. The background to this was a tension within the Order which had been developing for the past three or four years. The great advances that Candida had achieved had the unfortunate effect of revealing that the only Order of Malta that Metternich was happy with was one subject to Austrian control. Let us remember that Gregory XVI's act in appointing Candida without consultation was itself something of a rebuff to the tutelage that Austria had exercised in the days of Bale Antonio Miari and Busca. The state of affairs is revealed by Robert Lucas Pearsall, a socially busy Englishman who was one of the would-be knights then organizing themselves in England, and who was privy to the indiscreet talk of the Austrian knights. In 1840 the Knight of Grace Theodor Neuhaus, who had been charge d'affaires in Vienna for many years, told him: "The Order has an existence, and an ostensible chief in its Lieutenant, but Metternich really governs it."16 By May 1842 Pearsall was reporting that another professed knight, Kollowrath, stated at Court that Metternich had separated the Austrian branch of the Order from the Italian because the Pope or the Lieutenant had accepted knights who were unworthy, and that knighthood was now being granted independently by the Austrian Crown. There was talk of amalgamating the Bohemian Priory with the Teutonic Order, which had recently been revived in the Austrian Empire.17

The causes for this rift seem somewhat insubstantial, but it is true that Candida had been paying more attention to the financial resurgence of the Order than to its social exclusiveness, and some of the new family commanderies, such as Torlonia (a commandery founded in 1820 by admittedly Lieutenant Andrea Di Giovanni), opened the door to a very new nobility. An incident to be noted in this connexion is the Ball Scandal of 1839, which throws a light on the preoccupations of the Viennese Court. The trouble arose from the sartorial whim of a Dame of the Order, Countess von Goess, who wished to wear her decoration not hanging from a mesh on the left breast, as was prescriptive for the small cross, but in the manner of the Grand Cordon, on a black sash running across the body. This request, having passed through the diplomatic channel suitable to its importance, namely the nuncio in Vienna, the Cardinal Prince Altieri, was granted by the Lieutenant Candida, but he omitted to notify the Austrian Court or the Grand Priory of Bohemia. At a ball in January 1839, Countess von Goess, therefore, had to be told by the Bailli von Khevenhiiller that she was not wearing her cross in the approved manner; she immediately informed him of her permission and spent the rest of the ball boasting of the privilege she had received directly from the Lieutenant. The two ladies present who genuinely had the Grand Cross, Prince Metternich's wife and sister, found the thing very odd. The Bailli von Khevenhiiller felt that he had been intolerably compromised; he wrote to Candida threatening his resignation unless the privilege were withdrawn and the ladies of the Order informed immediately, before the next Court ball, of the way the cross ought to be worn.18 He would surely not have been so peremptory if there had not already been a background of dissatisfaction between the Austrian knights and the Lieutenancy. It does not seem, however, that the disagreements can have taken any more serious form, for constitutionally the Order's records show uninterrupted unity with the Austrian brethren at this time.

The tensions described throw a light on two events, or non-events, of these years. In 1839 the King of Sardinia, who was no friend of Austria, had not joined his brother rulers in the refounding of the Order in northern Italy; in 1844, however, he created five commanderies with incomes from the royal revenues, and one might suspect that the action was by now an anti-Austrian gesture. The second phenomenon was the continuing failure to restore the Grand Mastership. As we have seen, Gregory XVI had offered it at the very beginning of his pontificate, and by the 1840s the recovery of the Order was sufficient to have made the measure an obvious mark of recognition. The difficulty with Austria held it up, but Metternich was moving towards a solution that probably would have been a very happy one for the Order. A grandson of the Emperor Leopold II, Archduke Friedrich, born in 1821, was at this time winning golden opinions in the Austrian Navy, and fought gallantly in Syria. Preparations began in 1844 for his entry into the Order of Malta, with a view to his becoming Grand Master, and in June of the following year he took his vows as a Knight of Justice, being immediately raised to the rank of Bailiff. This was seen as a development of great significance. The Grand Prior of Bohemia described it as "an infinitely propitious event that has come to Our Holy Order", and Khevenhiiller told Candida: "I cannot but think that with this reception a new era in the Order's existence has begun."19 The Irish knight John Taaffe has left an enticing account of Archduke Friedrich, whom he knew well: "He seemed created on purpose for the magisterial dignity ... and certainly Archduke Frederick cultivated the idea ...; it was his firm intention to procure the order's restoration and become its grand master."20

 

Savior of the Order of Malta in the nineteenth century

Candida died only a month after Archduke Friedrich's profession, and it would have been premature to make him head of the Order at once. On 15 September a meeting was held in Rome, with representatives of each of the four Grand Priories then existing, with the purpose of replacing Alessandro Borgia with an elected superior and at the same time reconciling the national feud. Four members of the Bohemian Priory attended the assembly, joining ten Italians, and the influence of the Bali Ferretti was credited with the election of Filippo di Colloredo-Mels, from the province of Udine. Colloredo was well placed to carry out the task of reconciliation, not only because he was an Austrian subject. A branch of his family established in Austria itself had risen to princely status. As we have seen, Josef-Maria von Colloredo­Wallsee had been an important Grand Prior of Bohemia, and Filippo's uncle, Francesco Calloredo, although Italian, had also held a Bailiwick in the Priory, together with high rank in the Austrian army. There were few names better calculated to win favor in Vienna. Born in 1779 at the family estate of Colloredo, Filippo had been received in Minority in 1783 and later went to school at the Theresianum in Vienna. The revolutionary period prevented him from pursuing his career in the Order, but in 1839 he was one of the knights who was encouraged by Candida's measures to seek profession, and he received one of the commanderies funded by the Common Treasury. Aged sixty-six in 1845, he might have seemed a bridge to the Order's pre-revolutionary past rather than to the future, but as John Taaffe tells us he accepted the Lieutenancy with the intention of handing over in due course to Archduke Friedrich. Gregory XVI confirmed the election and raised Colloredo to the rank of Bailiff, but the plans that had been laid were unexpectedly foiled. Archduke Friedrich died in 1847, aged only twenty-six, and the Order's wait for a Grand Master lasted thirty years longer.

When Colloredo became Lieutenant he was still governing, as Candida had, with the extraordinary powers granted by Gregory XVI to Busca in 1831. But in the first months of his rule, he began to create the Ordinary Council, which remained the deliberative body of the Order for the next hundred years, with a representative of each of the four Grand Priories. At first, these were simply appointed by the Lieutenant from knights resident in Rome, and it was only later that they became elected delegates of their Priories.

Within a year of Colloredo's elevation came the death of Pope Gregory XVI, who deserves to be recognized as the savior of the Order of Malta in the nineteenth century. His appointment of Carlo Candida as Lieutenant would alone entitle him to that name, but he gave countless other signs of his favor. We have seen that from the election of the Lieutenant Di Giovanni in 1814 the Order's government had been caught in a trap from which nothing but papal intervention could extricate it, and that intervention did not come for seventeen years, firstly because of the indifference of Pius VII and Consalvi and then because of Busca's failure to ask for it. If the Order's debt is in fact to Gregory XVI, it is worth recognizing that Leo XII and Pius VII might well have been equally helpful if Busca had ever gone to Rome to speak to them. Gregory XVI's goodwill was enough to overcome even that negligence, and one should bear in mind that any other pope might well have dissolved the Order, as was being proposed when the Convent was closed in 1831. Gregory's appointment of Candida in 1834, though at first sight an overruling of the Order's autonomy, was, in fact, a lifeline for a body that had by then been reduced to complete helplessness. In the next twelve years the Order responded amply to the faith Gregory had placed in it, but that merit of its own should not obscure the gratitude that it owes to him, perhaps more than to any pope in history.

 

The 1848 Revolution

In 1848 the Papal States fell prey to revolution. In November Pius IX fled Rome in disguise and a republic was declared. France also turned into a republic by the revolution of the same year, but with the Catholic party in the ascendant, sent an army to restore the Pope to his states. During these disturbances, the Knights of Malta opened a hospital at their Priory on the Aventine, but its neutrality was not respected by the rebels. They set up artillery on the terrace in front of the prioral church, which as a result suffered damage from the besiegers' gunfire when the French mounted their assault on Rome. The Republicans were defeated and Pius IX was restored. There was briefly talk of entrusting the Knights of Malta with the defense of the Papal States, but such a task, besides being politically dangerous to the Order, would have been beyond its resources.

Another consequence of the revolutions of 1848 was the fall of Metternich. His role in saving the Order of Malta from 1814 onward should not be underestimated; in particular, his intervention in 1825 unquestionably saved the Order from imminent dissolution; he was later behind the payments from Austria that permitted the Convent to survive in Ferrara, and he kept the Order from extinction after the closure of the Convent. It is understandable that, having been privy to all the woes of the Lieutenancy from 1814 to 1834, he should have come to regard the Order somewhat as a domestic plant that he was nurturing in his conservatory. His fall brought an end to that patronising policy, as his generation gave way to that of the young Emperor Franz Josef who came to the throne in 1848; thirty-three years later he was to recognise the restored prestige of the Order by granting the Grand Prior of Bohemia the rank of a Prince of the Austrian Empire.

The reign of Pope Pius IX Mastai-Ferretti from 1846 to 1878 was the longest in Roman history, but it soon appeared that, in spite of his being a relation of the well-deserving Bali Cristoforo Ferretti, he was not the friend of the Order of Malta that Gregory XVI had been. When he returned to Rome from exile in 1850, he discontinued the privilege granted to the novice Knights of Malta serving in the papal antechamber. Colloredo had not managed to bring the hospital of Cento Preti back into service, and in 1855 the Pope reclaimed it to found an ecclesiastical hospice, granting the Knights another church in Rome which they used until 1876. Less reasonable, one might say, was his brief Militarem ordinem equitum of 28 June 1854, which introduced restrictions on the profession of Knights of St John; in future, they were required to take yearly vows for the first ten years before being allowed to make their solemn profession. The measure was fiercely opposed by the Grand Prior of Bohemia, who pointed out, among other things, that the yearly repetition of vows might be easy enough for monks living in the community but would be onerous for young knights who were for the most part serving officers. For a while, the specter of Bohemian secession was raised again, until in 1857 it was put down by a plain-spoken letter from Colloredo.21 In Italy, too, Pius IX's decree was resented, and its effect may be judged from the fact that there were then thirteen novices waiting to profess and the Lieutenant felt obliged to assign them temporary pensions to compensate them for expectations of a commandery delayed for up to ten years.22 Since 1834 knights had been appointed to commanderies (mostly of very modest value) much quicker than in the past, but this was because the Order was unable to lodge young knights in Auberges as it had in Malta, and Candida saw that it was necessary to give them means of support, the obvious duty of any religious order to its members. The exacting period of probation introduced by Pius IX had the result that for the next hundred years many Knights of Justice did not proceed to vows at all, though they retained their rank while they remained celibate. In the short term, it contributed to the fall of the number of professed knights to its lowest level in the nineteenth century. In 1857 Colloredo reported that the number of fully professed knights was then about thirty-five, besides some eighty other Knights of Justice, of whom some were in simple vows while others had no intention of professing.23

The reason behind the Pope's unpropitious measure is to be sought in another act at the beginning of his reign. In 1847 he founded the Equestrian Order of the Holy Sepulchre, which occupied, then as now, an intermediate position between the papal orders of chivalry and an autonomous military order. Although in practice the offices of the Holy Sepulchre were at the disposal of the Pope, its Rector was the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, whose title was simultaneously revived by Pius IX (The foundation of the order was inspired by the mediaeval practice of the Franciscan Guardians of the Holy Sepulchre of dubbing knights In Jerusalem, but these individuals were not organised into an order). Confident in the Pope's favor, the Order of the Holy Sepulchre began to imitate that of Malta, adopting a name unduly similar to the latter's official Latin designation, and its Grand Crosses taking the title of Bailiff; these abuses were not suppressed till many years later. But the new state of things was clear: the Order of Malta was no longer the favorite chivalric body in the Vatican, and the Pontiff showed a disposition to treat its cross as if it were a papal decoration. This had a bearing on the continued failure to restore the Grand Mastership. One may suppose that if Archduke Friedrich had lived, Pius IX would not have quashed the plans to invest him with the dignity, but since he had died, and there was no comparable figure to replace him, the Pope was in no hurry to fill the vacancy. The title "Lieutenant Grand Master", granted by Gregory XVI in 1845, was the only symbol for the moment of a less precarious status.

In 1856 a proposal by the Order that its knights should be allowed to serve in the papal army was refused by Pius IX; his thinking seems to have been to discard the military character of the Order of Malta and to nudge it into an exclusive hospitaller direction. The result was seen in 1860 when the movement of Italian unification prompted a French nobleman to urge the Order's taking a role in the defense of the Papal States; the Lieutenant, bearing in mind the response given four years before, felt obliged to return a negative answer.24

Under Candida's encouragement, continued by Colloredo, some thirty family commanderies were created in Italy in the quarter-century after 1834, to replace those that had been lost. One of them was founded in Rome in 1839 by the Irish knight John Taaffe (1789-1862) and was held by him until his death. His son, also John Taaffe (c. 1820-1911), already mentioned, was zealous for the restoration of the Order and published a history of it in 1852. In it he gives a description of life in the Palazzo Malta, which could have served more or less unchanged until quite recently: "Colloredo too," Taaffe writes, "lives in the house that belonged to his ambassador in Rome. There, with a restricted circle of members, he preserves carefully what remains of the order's archives, and has several writers [i.e. clerks], some servants, and a few horses and carriages, like a not rich private lord who keeps a hospitable, and even splendid table, at least upon great occasions ... Assuredly the most of the knights round their chief are old men; for they are the highest dignitaries of the order, many of whom had entered it at Malta ... This to be sure is an over easy life, not fitting any person not absolutely decrepit. But the order at Rome is not a fair sample; for those to be met with elsewhere are, for the greatest part, fine youths."25

Taaffe does not mention, and perhaps did not know, that the Magistral Palace had as its librarian in these years one of the most distinguished astronomers of the time, Ludovico Ciccolini (1767-1854), who had been a colleague of Lalande in Paris. Received as a chaplain before the fall of Malta, he was deflected by the revolutionary interlude to a non-ecclesiastical career, but his contacts with the Order were revived when his brother Filippo became Vice­ Chancellor in 1831. Six years later Ludovico Ciccolini made his solemn profession and was appointed the librarian of the Order in Rome, a post he held until he died.

More significant for the Order's direct interests was an arrival two years later. In 1856 the Austrian diplomat Count Lucas Gozze (1804-71), a native of Ragusa, who had had an active career in many countries, was sent as his empire's charge d'affaires in Rome, but he chose to give up his diplomatic appointment and take instead that of magistral secretary to the Lieutenant Colloredo. He became at this time a Knight of Justice, having first joined the Order in 1845, and he moved into the Palazzo Malta, where he served Colloredo and his successor until his own death. His friend Josef von Patruban wrote: "His comfortable rooms became very soon the gathering place for the most illustrious foreigners from all nations who made the pilgrimage to Rome ... In immediate relations with the Pope and with the most eminent dignitaries, both ecclesiastical and lay, he strove to employ his position to protect the honor of the Order and preserve it from errors."26

Gozze was soon in eager collaboration with a German knight who now arrived on the scene. Gottlieb von Schröter, a young army officer from the Grand Duchy of Mecklenburg, became a Knight of Devotion and threw himself into the task of reviving the vocation of the Order. Candida's attempt to recreate the hospitaller work in Rome had been destroyed, and the Pope's recent resumption of the Cento Preti confirmed its failure, but what if the knights could take up a task even closer to their first inspiration? Schröter was a man of deep religious and chivalric feeling, and in 1857 he traveled to the Holy Land with the intention of founding there a hospital and a novitiate of the Order. Residing in Jerusalem as "Brother Schroder", he tried first to acquire the site of the Order's medieval hospital, and kept a large sum of cash by him for the purchase.27 A brochure from his hand was submitted to a congregation of cardinals, and a rescript by the Secretary of State authorized the plan in 1858, but repeated efforts to carry it forward were frustrated. The Italian Patriarch of Jerusalem, Monsignor Valerga, opposed Schröter, and here too Pius IX seems to have shown his withdrawal of support from the Order of Malta in favor of the Holy Sepulchre and its Patriarch. Even more weightily, Napoleon III, who had just fought the Crimean War to assert the French protectorate over the Latins in the Holy Land, refused to allow the foundation (he regarded the Lieutenancy under Colloredo as being under Austria's thumb), and his harsh disfavour to the Order in France left little hope of advancing the cause through the French knights. Not until the Emperor's fall could Schröter's vision begin to be fulfilled.

Another work of the Order came to a realization in 1859 which had been pursued with less credit. When Ferdinand II set up the Grand Priory of the Two Sicilies in 1839, it was the intention that the knights should open a hospital in Naples in the old convent of Santi Bernardo e Margherita, which at that time was a residence for army widows. With subventions from the government, work was carried out in the mid-1840s, but by 1857 the hospital was still not ready, the Archbishop of Naples lamented the "disorganization of the Priory of the Two Sicilies" under the Grand Prior Borgia, and the government decided to take back the building. Early in 1859 Colloredo appointed a knight to be Lieutenant in Naples "with the purpose of saving the Priory" and the government returned the convent. On 2 August of the same year, the hospital was at last inaugurated, with the presence of all the knights of the Grand Priory, and it became a residence for poor and infirm priests. Two knights appointed by Colloredo were its directors.28 Three years later the Order extended its charitable work in Italy by instituting twelve beds in a hospital in Milan.29

A report on the state of the Order of Malta given by Coli ore do in 1859 announces that there were then some 110 Knights of Justice, besides 800 other members, mainly Knights and Dames of Devotion.30 The Order now possessed 100 commanderies, of which thirty-eight were jus patronatus. The total revenues of the sixty-two freely owned properties were estimated at 400,000 francs a year, and the receipts of the Common Treasury, including dues from the estates of the deceased knights, were 100,000 francs a year. In 1874 the personal revenues of the Lieutenant were reckoned a137.000 francs (eq.3000 USD) a year.31 The roll of Knights of Justice, who still included some received before the fall of Malta, remained in decline, but the Lieutenancy had recruited a vast body of honorary support throughout the European nobility, and its finances had made a singular recovery from the days when Busca had been unable to find the means to keep open the Convent in Ferrara.

 

The lieutenancies of Borgia and Ceschi a Santa Croce

The last years of Filippo Colloredo's Lieutenancy were filled with the efforts to revive the Order in Germany and England, which will be described presently. Colloredo died on 9 October 1864 and, as was now statutory, an election by representatives of all the Grand Priories followed; the new Lieutenant, elected on 26 February 1865, was Alessandro Borgia, whose career constitutes an interesting link in the Order's history from pre-revolutionary days to the last third of the nineteenth century. Born in 1783, he was received in Minority four years later. In August 1818 he joined the Convent in Catania under the Lieutenant Di Giovanni, and he was one of the four knights who in 1826 made the migration to Ferrara. There, he was a colleague in the Sacred Council of the Bali Trotti, who had been General of the Galleys in Malta. In 1834 he escorted the armed convoy that transported the Order's servants and belongings (including Busca's ample table-silver) to Rome. He made himself useful in various ways under Candida's administration and would have been the obvious man to succeed him in 1845, but the need to conciliate the Austrians dictated the choice of Colloredo. This was just as well as twenty-six years under Alessandro Borgia would not have been good for the Order. His amiability had won him the esteem of his confreres throughout his long career, but otherwise, the chief luster he brought to his office was the prestige of one of the great families of Rome.

Within a few days of his election, Borgia obtained from Pope Pius IX the brief Romani Pontifices, making provision for a Complete Council of the Order, of which all the Bailiffs would be members, to supplement the Ordinary Council. The leading achievement of Borgia's Lieutenancy was one which showed the enhanced international reputation that the Order of Malta had won in recent years. The credit for this belongs to the knights in Germany, whose plans for revival were directed especially to hospitaller work, following the lead in the same cause of the Protestant Johanniterorden. Their zeal found expression when the war with Denmark broke out in 1864. At a time when voluntary work in wartime was still in its infancy, and while the Red Cross was still in the process of being formed, the Knights of Malta mobilized hundreds of male helpers, nursing sisters, and military chaplains, and organized numerous field hospitals. A leading role in the work was played by Prince Hohenlohe-Waldenburg-Schillingsfürst, first Duke of Ratibor (1818-93), a well-known statesman in the Kingdom of Prussia, who received the Grand Cross in 1864. In the Austro-Prussian War of 1866, the Knights of Malta in Prussia repeated their efforts, while those of the Grand Priory of Bohemia were active on the other side; this was the first occasion for the involvement of the army doctor Baron Jaroslav von Mundy, who was to prove himself a tornado of medical activity in Austria in the next thirty years.

 

Second international conference of the Red Cross

The result was that when the second international conference of the Red Cross was held in 1869, the Order of Malta was viewed as the leading agency in the field next to the Red Cross itself. The conference was celebrated in the parliament chamber in Berlin in April 1869, with members of the royal family among the spectators. The Prussian knights were represented by the Duke of Ratibor and Count Schaesberg-Krickenbeck, and Austria by jaroslav von Mundy, while the Lieutenancy's official envoy was the Austrian Knight of Justice Othenio von Lichnowsky; it was indicative of the new standing of his Order that he was received as the delegate of a sovereign power. Despite this, he felt the delicacy of his position as an Austrian in Berlin only three years after the war.

A memoir left by a friend of Othenio von Lichnowsky describes him as "an original and important personality of the Austrian world of that time ... He was a grand seigneur, somewhat reminiscent of the ecclesiastical princes of the eighteenth century ... formidable for his sharp, black eyes and ready tongue, which he handled like a sword."32 The description gives added interest to the account that he wrote of the exchanges in the conference. At the session of 27 April the Prussian Surgeon-General "found the occasion to trace a lively picture of the activity deployed by the Prussian knights of St john at the time of the campaign of 1866. Then rose up with lightning speed Baron von Mundy, the delegate of the Austrian government, to trace in his turn a no less brilliant picture of our activity at the same period ... If this well-informed and impartial gentleman, who is moreover a very good orator, had omitted to make this reply, I should have been obliged to make it myself, although to my great regret that would have stamped upon the discussion the appearance of wounded amour propre and no doubt have immediately provoked a personal reply on the part of one of the numerous Prussian Knights of St John then present, something that would have inevitably caused the debates to take on a very animated character.33 Mundy earned Lichnowsky's warm thanks for his intervention and the following year was received as a Magistral Knight.

In 1870 papal rule was brought to an end with the annexation of Rome to the Kingdom of Italy. The Italian government had already shown that it did not include the Order of Malta in its general anti-clericalism, and had recognised it in 1869. The Lieutenancy's status remained unaltered under the new regime, but the Grand Priory of the Two Sicilies changed its name to that of Naples and Sicily. When Borgia died early in 1872, the election of his successor, Giovanni Battista Ceschi a Santa Croce, an Austrian subject from the former Prince-Bishopric of Trent, showed that the Order could elect a non-Italian without fearing for its position. He was a younger brother of Baron Aloys Ceschi a Santa Croce, who served as Austrian imperial governor of Trieste", Ceschi's succession also marked a transfer of rule from the generation that had been received before the fall of Malta and had preserved the Order's continuity for so long. The new Lieutenant was only forty-five, had been a Knight of justice for sixteen years, and had briefly succeeded Count Gozze as magistral secretary before his election.

In the first complete roll of the Order, published the previous year, the list of the Grand Priory of Lombardy and Venice shows the names of two knights, one of them with the rank of Bailiff, who had been admitted in Minority before the fall of Malta, in 1789 and 1791. These ancient survivals were among the eighty-six Knights of justice who then formed the core of the Order, but of that number only thirty-six were professed. The figure represents the steady decline of Knights of justice, which the revival since 1834 had slowed but had not reversed, for the dying off of the older knights - the survivors of the 2,200 there had been before the French Revolution - had constantly outnumbered new recruitment. To balance this diminished section, the Order now had 603 Knights of Devotion, besides nineteen Knights of Magistral Grace admitted in that class for lack of the full proofs of nobility. There were also eighty-four dames, forty donats', thirty-five professed chaplains (most of them at the Order's collegiate church in Prague) and twenty-one other priests attached to the Order without vows. The class of sergeant-at-arms had by now completely disappeared, but one class that was in theory not yet extinct was that of Magistral Page; Michele Gattini was admitted in that status aged thirteen in 1858 and later became Grand Prior of Naples and Sicily. Otherwise, it was still common for boys to be admitted as Knights of Justice in Minority. The Roll of 1871 shows only one diplomatic plenipotentiary, at the Austrian Court. Five cardinals held the Grand Cross, including the Secretary of State, who was Protector of the Order. Among the other Grand Crosses, there were twelve members of royal families, of whom a curiously high proportion had lost their thrones: these were the Empress Eugenic of the French, the Empress Marie Charlotte of Mexico (widow of the shot Maximilian*), Grand Duke Ferdinand of Tuscany and Francis V, Duke of Modena.* Archduke Maximilian had been made a Grand Cross while he was Governor-General of Lombardy-Venetia In 1857. and showed great interest in the Order's plans to found a hospice in the Holy Land. He declared that if the foundation took place he would go on pilgrimage with his wife to visit the hospice and assist its needs.34 The remaining royal personages were the Emperor Peter II of Brazil, Archduke Carl Ludwig of Austria, Prince Carl of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Gliicksburg, Princes August and Ernst of Saxe-Co burg-Gotha, Prince Philippe Eugene of Belgium, and Archduchesses Maria Carolina and Maria Annunziata, to whom one might add a lady of Grand Ducal family, Princess Marie-Amelie of Baden, by marriage Duchess of Hamilton.

The last years of the Lieutenancy saw the realisation of the Order's efforts for a foundation in the Holy Land. Gottlieb von Schroter had succumbed to an early death without seeing any progress to his plans. His work was taken up, however, by the Austrian consul in Jerusalem, Bernhard von Caboga (1823-82), who became a Knight of Malta in 1868. He was a native of Ragusa like Lucas Gozze, with whom he ranks as one of the most valuable servants of the Order at this period. (It would be more consislent to use the Italian form of his name. as in Gozze's case. following Ihe normal linguistic choice of the Ragusan nobility. but as a servant of the Austrian Empire in Palestine Caboga seems to have used the Germanised form.)

Knowing the opposition to Schroter made by the Patriarch Valerga, who was still in office, Caboga decided to proceed secretly, and to begin in a more out-of-the-way location than Jerusalern.35 He privately purchased part of the hill of Tantur, near Bethlehem, on whose plateau there was a building called the Tower of Jacob. He installed as resident a functionary of the consulate and made visits under cover of conferring with his employee. He wrote to friends in Europe to raise funds for the proposed hospital, and Gozze, besides assuring him privately of the Lieutenancy's support, contributed handsomely from his own pocket. The cause was advanced by the visit that Franz Josef of Austria paid to the Holy Land in 1869. The Emperor interested himself strongly in Caboga's project, and for the rest of his life was one of its most zealous supporters. On his return to Austria, he began payments of 16,000 francs a year for the work and urged the cause on the Austrian knights and other contributors, who received a special distinction for their donation. In 1873 the Emperor declared himself protector of the intended hospital.

In 1872 Caboga became a Knight of Justice and received the title of Preceptor of Tantur, a nod to the fact that the site had belonged in the Middle Ages to the Order of St. John ("preceptor" being the medieval word for commander). The hospital that Caboga had planned was opened at Easter 1877, five years before his death. It's building, which enjoyed fine views towards Bethlehem and towards the Dead Sea, consisted of two square towers and linking range with double-story arcades. Besides a chapel, living quarters and the necessary equipment of a hospital, it contained at first only one ward for patients, with six beds, and it functioned otherwise as an out-patients' clinic. When Archduke Carl Ludwig (one of the Grand losses mentioned previously) visited it in 1896, he founded a seventh bed. The gate-tower was built in 1895 in mediaeval style, and is the only part of the structure that remains today. In 1902-03 a further story was added to the main building, and a polyclinic wing was built in 1909. Served by the Austrian province of the Brothers of St. John of God, Tantur functioned as a highly effective hospital until the First World War. By the year 1908 its out-patients' clinic dealt with 15,000 cases, there were 3,000 visits to patients, and 125 sick were cared for in the hospital for a total of 1,579 days. In the rolls of this period, Tantur is described as the "General Hospice of the Order", and its existence seemed to point to a policy in which the international charitable work of the Order would be directed to 'the Holy Land'.

 

The new Grand Master

In Rome, Pius IX died in 1878 and was succeeded by Leo XIII. Of noble family, the new Pope was well disposed towards the Order of Malta, and he required little prompting to bring to an end a vacancy which a string of accidental circumstances had kept unfilled since 1805. On 28 March 1879, he raised the Lieutenant Ceschi a Santa Croce to the rank of Grand Master, the papal appointment being pro hac vice: future Grand Masters would be elected following the same procedure as for the last three Lieutenants. The Order thus visibly returned to the state of normality of which the blows since the loss of Malta had deprived it. During those eighty-one years, the Order had been ruled by superiors who range from the appalling - Hompesch and Busca - through the unfortunate Di Giovanni, who would have been the first to say that he should not have been where he was, to others who deserve the highest recognition of their brethren. Tommasi, besides making valiant efforts to reclaim Malta, restored the Order's government to its proper footing after the Russian vagary, and the two Lieutenants Candida and Collore do distinguish themselves by the way they responded to the hard challenge of revival.

In the narrative of the sad failures between 1814 and 1834, various suggestions have been made of the actions that the Order might have taken to discharge its duty in the conditions of the time, but it is worth noting that if they had been followed they would not have been casting. If the Order had committed itself to the armed services of the Papal States (unless in a purely naval role), it might well have been expropriated and suppressed in Italy at the Unification. If it had conquered an island in Greece, the result, in the long run, would have been growing tension with the government of that country and eventual annexation. By failing in those aims, the knights avoided the nemesis of history. It was precisely the fact that by 1879 the Order had been reduced to political impotence that spared it being disturbed by the new conditions, and enabled it to expand in numbers and strength in the next period as a purely charitable institution.

15 Nov. 2017: The following came as part of a discussion with a former student when he asked me about the Bobrinskoy Orthodox Order of Saint John (OOSJ) and the alleged "The Sovereign Hospitaller Order of Saint John of Jerusalem Knights of Malta" thus opening up what for me is a new research topic. Self-styled Knights Of Today.

19 Nov. 2017: Where the previous part described the phenomenon of self-styled Knightly orders of St John or of Malta, most of these orders claim to be continuations of various alleged offshoots of what now appears to be a non-existing Russian Orthodox priory. Case Study: Malta and the Russian Usurpation.

2 Dec. 2017:  Contested as some of the following developments initially where they also contain some intrigue. The foundations of the National Associations of the Order in England and Germany.

7 Dec. 2017:  Following an earlier remark about Festing at the end of the discussion here, there is in fact a historical precedent in the form of an even more severe dispute that more significantly gave rise to a vacancy in the Grand Mastership from 1951 to 1962 (which Roger Peyrefitte's famous novel wrongfully attributed to a grain deal). Vatican's opposition to the Order of Malta.

 

Pierredon: Histoire Politique de l'Ordre de Malte, by Thierry and Geraud Michel de Pierredon (8 volumes, 1956-2008), and Krethlow. The Rivista for 1938-39 has a series of articles by 1. Rangoni Machiavelli, I Luogotenenti del XIX Secolo. Two contemporary books by the Baron Elize de Montagnac, Histoire des Chevaliers de Malte (1863), and Chevaliers de Malte (1874), give details of the recent history of the Order. Desmond Seward, The Monks of War (London, 1995), does not give a continuous history but includes many valuable facts. Also H. J. A. Sire The Knights of Malta 1996.

1. Archives of the Order of Malta in the Magistral Palace in Rome(OM), GM 87, Della Genga to Di Giovanni, 10 September 1814. It is also mentioned in Francois Ducaud-Bourget, La Spiritualité de l'Ordre de Malte (1954), p. 215, and Desmond Seward, The Monks of War (London, 1995), p. 312.

2. Vatican: Box 588, Rubrica 273, Anno 1833 (sic), Brief of Gregory XVI to Cardinal Albano, 20 December 1831.

3. OM: GM 110, Busca to Ciccolini, 6 October 1831. There was later a suggestion that Cardinal Doria Pamphilj, the Grand Prior of Rome, should be appointed Grand Master: Vatican: Box 588, Rubrica 273, Anno 1833, document of 10 November 1833.

4. Rivista, October 1938, p. 5.

5. OM: GM 105, Vella to Bussi, 22January 1826, with enclosure; ct. GM 106, Busca to Bussi, 11 March 1826, correcting the number of Portuguese commanders to fifteen.

6. Robert Bigsby, Memoir of the Illustrious and Sovereign Order of St John of Jerusalem (1869), p. 68, quoting a letter of Litta to the English, 23 March 1838: " les Chevaliers en tres petit nombre, et devenus  maintenant  decrepits, assistent maintenant a Rome a un soi-disant Chapitre, aux  demiers moments  d'une  agonie  prolongee du dit Ordre",  Litta could be excused for not realising that things had changed since Candida's appointment.

7. OM: GM 105, Busca to Paes de Sa, 15 October 1826; GM 107, the same to the same, 20 March 1827.

8. OM: GM 110, Busca to Ciccolini, 28 July 1831; Vatican: Box 588, Rubrica 273, Anno 1831, the same to the same, 17 November 1831.#

9. OM: C 105, Nottret to Candida, 14 August 1838, enclosing an Acte of 30 June 1838.

10. Ibid., Sainte-Croix to Vella, 14 April 1830.

11. Ibid., Nottret to Busca, 20 April 1837.

12. OM: C 105, miscellaneous documents, Captain de Giorny to Candida, 7 April 1838.

13. Ibid., summary of Nottret to Candida, 10 December 1837 (the original is absent), and Krethlow, p. 304. Desmond Seward in The Monks of War, pp. 344-5, writes: "In 1840-41 the 'marquis' [Sainte-Croix] tried to persuade the unsavory Honore V of Monaco to offer Monte Carlo to the Knights of Malta in return for the Grand Mastership." In fact, the project was the subject of open negotiations with the Lieutenant during 1837-38, and there is no mention of the involvement of Sainte-Croix, who was no longer connected with the French Council. See also St John's Gate, Minute Book of the English Priory, 1836 onward: report by Sir Warwick Tonkin, 10 November 1841. The English were being assured that Candida was willing to give way to Prince Honore as Grand Master (cf the same Museum's collection of bound letters with that of Sir William Hillary to Richard Broun, 15 December 1841: "Does the Prince de Candida continue his wish to resign his high dignity?"), but the Order's records show that this was an invention. The Monegasque plan is also mentioned in Sir Richard Broun, Synaptical Sketch of the illustrious and sovereign order of Knights hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem (1857), p. 30.

14. Krethlow, pp. 252 and 305-6.

15. Alfred Reumont, Die Letzten Zeiten des Johanniterordens (Leipzig, 1844), p. 138.

16. Bigsby, op. cit. (see Note 9 above), p. 68.

17. St John's Gate, Minute Book as in Note 16, report of Pearsall, 20 May 1842, and his letter of 13 June 1846. The knight was presumably Franz von Kollowrath-Krakowsky (1803-74), who became Grand Prior of Bohemia in 1867.

18. Krethlow, p. 368.

19. Ibid., pp. 508 and 507.

20. John Taaffe, The History of the Holy Military Sovereign Order of St John of Jerusalem (1852), pp.277-8.

21. Krethlow, pp. 194-201.

22. OM: CT 460, Libra Lettera Decreti  della Veneranda Camera, 1850-62, under 16 July 1859.

Previous histories of the Order conventionally describe Pius IX's brief as beneficial; it was quite the opposite, and the Order tried in vain to have it reversed.

23. Krethlow, p. 412. Strictly, one should add a few surviving professed knights of the dissolved Priory of Portugal, whom Colloredo did not take into account.

24. Krethlow, p. 230, quoting Colloredo's letter to the Baron de Barghion de Fort Brion.

Krethlow mentions ibid. a plan put forward by Cardinal Antonelli in 1860 apparently for a purely Austrian battalion to be provided by the Order for the defence of the Papal States, but it was rejected by the Grand Prior of Bohemia.

25. Taaffe, op. cit. (see Note 23), pp. 226-7.

26. Josef von Patruban, Lucas Graf Gozze, obituary in the Journal Vaterland, Vienna, 1871.

27. A. von Winterfeld, Geschichte des Ritterlicher Ordens St Johannis (1859), pp. 558-9.

Winterfeld gives Schroter's Christian name as Gottlieb (it is also found in the Greek form of Theophil); later works incorrectly call him Gottfried. Schroter is an undeservedly neglected figure, and one must regret that his compatriot Krethlow has not provided a biographical sketch of him.

28. F. Varone and 1. Recchia, La Sede napolitana del Grand Priorato di Napoli e Sicilia del Sovrano Militare Ordine di Malta (2014 (?), pp. 31-40.

29. OM: CT 460, Libra Lettera Decreti della Veneranda Camera, 1850-62, under 16 July 1862.

30. Winterfeld, op. cit. (see Note 30 above), pp. 569-71, citing Colloredo as the informant.

31. Krethlow, p. 154.

32. Ibid., p. 354, quoting Count Hugo Lerchenfeld-  Kofering, Erinnerunen und Denkwürdigkeiten (1935), p. 132 and foll.

33. Pierredon, Vol. 3, pp. 28-9. Othenio von Lichnowsky (1826-87) was Grand Prior of Austria from 1874.

34. Krethlow, p. 262.

35. The history of Tantur is told in an article by A.C. Breycha-Vauthier de Baillamont in Annales, 1976, pp. 39-4 "Tantour - Retour de l'Ordre en Terre-Sainte", and in C.A. Chamay, La Colline de Tantour (2004).

 

 

 

 

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