By Eric Vandenbroeck
and co-workers
Most people in Europe and the USA today
are accustomed to thinking World War II more or less ended on August 14, 1945,
when Japan surrendered unconditionally without knowing much about the facts
that all over Asia, in the vast arc of countries and territories
stretching from Manchuria to Burma, peace was at best a brief interlude.
In the first months of the Pacific War,
the Japanese armies had rolled easily over the British colonies in Malaya,
Borneo, and Burma and the Dutch in the East Indies. The Europeans suffered
humiliating defeats and many of their former colonial subjects welcomed the
Japanese. As for the French colonies in Indochina, these were granted to the
Japanese without a fight.
The world saw only one exception to
this pattern of collapse and collaboration in Asia. In the Philippines,
Japanese troops had been stalled for almost four months by the stubborn defense
of Filipino troops fighting alongside the American forces, and even after the
latter were forced to surrender, groups of Filipinos continued to wage
guerrilla warfare in many parts of the archipelago. To most of those in
Washington, the lesson was obvious. The Philippines had been treated well by
the United States, had become a self-governing commonwealth in 1935, and had
been promised independence in 1945. The result was that Filipinos had rejected
Japanese anti -imperialist propaganda, while old-style European imperialism in
Southeast Asia had encouraged colonial peoples to side with the Japanese.
"Our course in dealing with the Philippines situation ... offers, I think,
a perfect example of how a nation should treat a colony or a dependency,"
wrote President Franklin Roosevelt in 1942.1
At the time, Indochina had also become
an important target for air attack by the China Theater's 14th Air Force.
American planes operating from south China frequently bombed targets in
Vietnam, and by the middle of 1944, B-24 bombers were ranging as far south as
Saigon to attack dockyards and rail centers. These air operations required
reliable intelligence on weather, air defenses, targets, and Japanese troop
movements. Information on troop movements was of special importance because the
transfer of Japanese forces in or out of northern Indochina could affect military
operations in south China.
There were, therefore, good military
reasons for SEAC and the China Theater to conduct clandestine intelligence and
guerrilla operations in Indochina, and both had been doing so since 1943. As
time passed, however, and the political disputes surrounding the future of
colonial Southeast Asia became progressively more bitter and confused, the
issue of Mount batten's operations in Indochina became a subject of heated
controversy.
Mountbatten believed that he had
secretly received tacit approval for his clandestine missions from both
President Roosevelt and Chiang Kai-shek. Others like for example General Wedemeyer responsible for China, however, claimed to have
no knowledge of such understandings, but noted with suspicion that many of
SEAC's secret operations appeared to involve the French. Mindful of Roosevelt's
charge to "watch carefully to prevent any British and French political
activities in Indochina," Wedemeyer feared that
secret intelligence missions might be a cover for efforts to help the French
influence the political situation in that country.2
When the French refused to provide Wedemeyer with the details of their planned operations in
Vietnam, the American general closed Kunming airport in southern China to SEAC
planes supporting the clandestine operations. This touched off an angry
exchange of messages between Kandy (Mountbatten's Ceylon headquarters) and
Chungking.
On March 9, 1945, the Japanese
ambassador to French Indochina, Matsumoto Sunichi,
presented Governor-General Decoux with a note.
"The possibility of invasion by hostile forces" obliged Tokyo to
demand that all French land, sea, and air forces in the colony, as well as the
police, be placed under Japanese control. The French were given two hours to
comply.
The Japanese takeover, decided on in
February, was motivated by fear of an Allied invasion and by increasing evidence
that the French colonial government, aware of the course of the war and
prompted by:> the newly established de Gaulle government in Paris, was
preparing to switch sides at the opportune moment. With the French disarmed and
French leaders behind bars, the Japanese persuaded Bao Dai, the titular emperor
of Vietnam, to proclaim his country's "independence." Bao Dai
appointed Tran Trong Kim, a well-known author and
educator, as prime minister. Kim's Cabinet, consisting mainly of lawyers,
physicians, and other well-to-do professionals with no political following, had
little real power, but the disappearance of the French security apparatus and
the preoccupation of the Japanese with preparing for an Allied invasion
encouraged an increase in patriotic and nationalist political activities of all
types.
The organization best positioned to
capitalize on this situation was the Vietminh, a coalition of nationalist and
anti-French groups dominated by the Indochinese Communist Party. Its leader was
Ho Chi Minh, a veteran revolutionary who had battled French colonialism for
decades. Ho, a founding member of the French Communist Party, had trained in
Moscow during the 1920s and guided the establishment of the Indochinese
Communist organization in Vietnam in 1930. A patriot and nationalist as well as
a revolutionary, Ho combined tenacity of purpose with flexibility in action. A
man of great personal charm and magnetism, he left a positive impression with
almost everyone he encountered, including those who strongly opposed his
politics and purposes. In the final analysis, it was almost certainly due to
Ho's extraordinary leadership that the Communists of Vietnam, unlike their
counterparts in the rest of Southeast Asia, never strangled on their own
dogmatism, brutality, and ineptitude.
By early February 1945, thousands of
residents were dying of starvation. Others set off along the roads to other
towns and villages in hope of finding food. "They move away in endless
file by families," wrote one Frenchman. "The aged, the children, the
men, the women, bent under the weight of their misery, shivering all over their
denuded skeletons ... stopping from time to time either to close the eyes of
one of theirs that has dropped to get up no more or to strip him of some
unnamable rag that occasionally still covers him .... To behold these corpses
curled up at the roadside having as clothes and shrouds only some stalks of
straw one is ashamed of mankind." In the city of Nam Dinh,
about ninety miles from Hanoi, oxcarts collected the bodies of the dead for
burial in mass graves. "At the height of the famine," recalled Duong
Van Mai Elliott, "my mother saw carts piled with dead bodies passing our
house every morning .... Peasants who could no longer feed their children tried
to give them away or just abandoned them in the streets of the city. These
emaciated children would rummage through garbage piles for food scraps or they
would steal to survive. They would lie in wait and then snatch food packages
from people as they left the markets or stores." 3
Even well-to-do middle-class urban
residents felt the impact of the famine. Mai Elliott's family subsisted on two
meals a day, one of which consisted of thin rice gruel. In all, about one and a
half to two million people probably died in the famine, although accurate
figures are impossible to come by. Some villages and hamlets lost 30 to 50
percent of their population. In Tay Luong village in Thai Binh
Province, more people died as a result of the famine than during the next
thirty years of war against the French and Americans.4
Vietminh leaders saw the famine as an
opportunity to organize the peasants to seize the rice granaries of the
colonial regime and to direct popular resentment against the French and
Japanese. It was not a tough sell. Everyone knew that the forced requisition ofland, compulsory rice sales to the government, and
unreasonable taxes had contributed to the dire state of the food supply. The
casual cruelty of the Japanese further fueled popular anger. One story told of
a woman who had her hand cut off for stealing canned food from the Japanese.
Another told of an old woman in Hue who had a job feeding horses for the army.
To help her starving family, she had taken some of the rice grain out of the
horse feed and replaced it with husks. When her actions were discovered, the
Japanese cut open her stomach and stuffed it with husks.5
Even more than the downfall of the
French, more than the impending defeat of the Japanese, it was the famine that
enabled the Vietminh to transform their fugitive guerrilla organization into a
mass movement. As a respected historian of Vietnam has observed, "The
revolution of 1945 matured among the wretched rural population long before
the city dwellers perceived it." 6
Throughout northern Vietnam, months of
Vietminh organizing and propaganda and dissatisfaction with the ineffectual Tran
Trong Kim government had laid the groundwork for a
swift takeover. In Hanoi, where the Vietminh had an estimated hundred thousand
sympathizers, a large crowd gathered in front of the municipal theater to hear
speakers proclaim that a general insurrection was under way. Large bands of
Vietminh supporters took control of government buildings and police posts with
little opposition. Within a few days, most of Tonkin in northern Vietnam and a
good portion of Annam in the center were in the hands of the Vietminh.7
The Japanese discreetly remained in the
background and, aside from a few minor confrontations, made no move to
interfere. Consul General Tsukamoto reported that Japanese officials "were
working without stint on measures for protection of the resident Japanese"
and were attempting to achieve a compromise with the new government. By the end
of August, the Japanese had handed over responsibility for police and for order
and control of transportation and public utilities to the Vietminh. They
refused, however, to turn over control of the Bank of Indochina.8
On August 25, Ho Chi Minh arrived in
Hanoi from Thai Nguyen and immediately began planning for a mass ceremony to
formally declare independence and establish the new government. A few days
later, in Hue, Emperor Bao Dai formally abdicated and turned over the imperial
seal to representatives of the Vietminh government, indicating that the
"mandate of heaven" had now passed from the throne to the
nationalists.
On Sunday, September 2, a crowd swollen
to three or four hundred thousand by arrivals from the countryside gathered in
Ba Dinh Square, near the former governor-general's
palace in Hanoi. In the center of the square, organizers had erected a tall
platform decked with the new red and gold flags. Vietminh soldiers with drawn
pistols encircled the platform and a band in Boy Scout uniforms played military
tunes as Vietminh dignitaries mounted the stairs. Vo Nguyen Giap,
a former history teacher who now commanded the Vietminh "Liberation
Army," introduced Ho to the crowd. As an assistant held a parasol over his
head-the traditional symbol of royalty-Ho read the brief declaration announcing
Vietnam's independence.
The Vietminh government did what it
could to eliminate its opponents. Hundreds of nationalist supporters were tried
as "counterrevolutionaries" or disappeared into the hands of
specially formed "honor squads for the elimination of traitors."
Prominent members of Bao Dai's government, including the pro-French
intellectual Pham Qyyen and the Catholic minister Ngo
Dinh Khoi, had been executed at the time of the
emperor's abdication. Decrees issued on September 5 and 12 outlawed the Qyoc Dan Dang and the Dai Viet parties and established
military tribunals "to punish counterrevolutionaries." Yet Ho's
government dared not go too far in the face of the impending arrival of the
occupation forces since many of its rivals, especially the Dong Minh Hoi, had
close ties to the Chinese.9
Never mind that the French colonial
regime had collaborated with the Japanese for almost five years; the de Gaulle
government insisted that the brief, desperate, and disorganized French response
to the Japanese coup of March 1945 constituted "resistance," and
France had a right to expect its allies to help her regain what was rightfully
hers. If Chinese troops had to take the Japanese surrender in the north, then
they should at least be accompanied by the French and colonial troops that had
retreated to China in March. The British and Americans should also provide
transport to move French troops and equipment to Indochina. The British were
sympathetic to these demands, at least in principle, but the Americans,
preoccupied with the enormous postsurrender problems
in China, Japan, and Korea, not to mention war-devastated Europe, had little
time for them. As for the Chinese, they had their own agenda and some old
scores to settle.
To Wedemeyer abd Chiang Kai-shek preoccupied witht
the desperate race to reoccupy northern China and Manchuria before the Communists
could fill the vacuum created by the Japanese surrender, Indochina appeared a
fairly unimportant distraction. Chiang's best troops in southern China were
those of General Chang Fa-kwei, who had been Ho's
jailer and then patron in 1944. Chang Fa-kwei and his
troops in Kwangsi (Guangxi) and Kwangtung (Guangdong) would have seemed the
natural choice to undertake operations in Indochina, but his relatively
well-trained soldiers with their new American weapons were more urgently needed
in the north.
Instead of Chang Fa-kwei,
Chiang chose General Lung Yun, commander of the Chinese forces in Yunnan
Province on the northern border of Vietnam. Like many warlord generals, Lung
had done well from the war. He and his cousin General Lu Han, who commanded the
field army, had carried on a profitable contraband trade with the Japanese Army
and with the Vichy French in Indochina.
Accompanying Lu Han were Amencan liaison teams of the Chinese Training Combat
Command, an American military advisory organization that had been training
Chinese units in southern China. All of the teams were under the command of
Brig. Gen. Philip E. Gallagher, Lu's adviser. Like Patti, General Gallagher was
seen by many French and Vietnamese as some sort of American proconsul with vast
powers to resolve all problems. In fact, Wedemeyer's
directive to U.S. units with Chinese occupation forces limited their mission to
"advising and assisting the Central Government military forces during
their movement to their areas of occupation" and "acting in an
advisory capacity ... in the provision of necessary supplies and the
administration of civil affairs in the areas occupied by these troops." 10 "The U.S. advisory group ... had no directive
... as to who we were to support politically," Gallagher recalled.11
The price paid by the Vietminh for this
arrangement was high. The entire cost of feeding and maintaining the
"Allied" occupation forces in the north was to be born
by the Vietnamese, to be compensated later at a "fair" rate of
exchange. Despite the famine conditions, ass reported that the Chinese were
actually shipping rice out of the country or selling it on the black market for
ten times the Saigon price.According to rumor, Ho Chi
Minh also kept the Chinese well supplied with opium and at one point presented
Lu Han with a gold opium pipe.12
Furthermore the exchange rate between
the almost worthless Chinese dollar and the Indochinese piaster was arbitrarily
set at 14 to 1, thus making the dollar worth more than three times as much as
in southern China. Millions of Chinese dollars soon began to arrive in
Indochina. In one instance, $60 million was reported on a single flight from
Kunming. "Chinese officers in Viet Nam with business connections at home
organized themselves into a closely knit syndicate associated with merchants,
bankers and entrepreneurs to buy out at ridiculously little cost, every
profitable enterprise they could .... Front companies and trusts were quickly
formed to acquire outright ownership of or controlling interests in Vietnamese
or French-owned plantations, farmland, buildings, mines, and factories, even
the small merchant was not spared .... If they protested or dared to resist any
offer made by the syndicate, the military had ways to persuade." With
their bargain shopping and other financial activities, the Chinese, according
to one estimate, managed to extract some 400 million piasters from the poorer
half of a country whose total gross national product in 1939 had been around
1.1 billion piasters.13
In return for these concessions, the
Chinese and their American advisers dealt with the Vietminh as the de facto
government. "He [Ho] and his provisional government were the only existing
semblance of law and order as far as FIC [French Indochina] north of the 16th
parallel was concerned," Gallagher recalled, "and the Chinese and I
dealt with him accordingly." 14
On September 19, Major General douglas Gracey leader of the British occupation forces,
notified the Vietminh government that he intended to issue a proclamation
banning all processions and demonstrations, imposing a nightly curfew, and
prohibiting the carrying of arms by any forces not authorized by him. All
newspapers were to be closed, and the provisional government was to supply a
list of the TIS and locations of all Vietnamese police and military units. Begining on September 21, Gracey's troops began evicting
the Vietminh government from public buildings and police stations and disarming
etminh police and paramilitary forces.
French officials however convinced
Gracey that former French soldiers in the Saigon area who had been imprisoned
by the Japanese shcould be rearmed and easily take
control of the city governent and services. The
Vietnamese would be overawed and offer no resistance. The information about e
French was that Cedile [de Gaulle's representative in
Cochinchina] had tight control over them, that this
was not at all a difficult task ... once done it would provide a substantial
useful step forward for the furerance of the gradual
take-over from the British by the French."Thus
on the morning of the twenty-third, residents of the city awoke to find that
"Saigon was French again." 15
The French of Saigon ce1e'ated their
victory by going on a rampage in which they expressed all leir pent-up feelings
of fear, anger, and resentment at the Vietnamese and humiliation at their
incarceration by the Japanese. As one of Mountbatten's staff officers reported,
"There were wild shootings and Annamites were
openly dragged through the streets to be locked in prisons. Generally speaking
there was complete chaos." 16
Mountbatten, to whom unfavorable press
reports were especially unwelcome, suspected that "the stronger we are [in
Indochina] the more the French will feel they can take provocative action against
the Annamites." 17
This was far more than a public
relations disaster, however. "The Annamites are
now thoroughly disillusioned with the British," reported the 0SS. The
clumsy French coup had led to the very situation Gracey had intended to
prevent. Vietnamese of all political persuasions united in a general rising
directed at the British and French. The food markets were burned out and there
was a sharp increase in kidnappings, murder, and arson. "Life in Saigon
was brought to a standstill. Shops and cafes were closed. Many parts of the
city were without water." 18
From that point, civil war was general
in the Saigon area. By September 26, the OSS was reporting that many parts of
the city were without food or electricity.19
"Sniping is a nerve-wracking affair
in the lightless city," wrote an American reporter. "Shots may be
fired from any building or doorway. Half-naked Annamites
may suddenly whip out knife or gun from a loin-cloth." 20
"For a time Saigon was a city under
siege," recalled George Wickes, communications man for the small OSS
detachment in Saigon. "Mostly we heard rather than saw the action. Things
were generally calm during the day, but after nightfall we began to hear the
sound of gunfire, beginning with the occasional stray shot by a jittery French
soldier .... Every night we could hear Vietnamese drums signaling across the
river and almost on the stroke of 12, there would be an outburst of gunfire and
new fires breaking out among the stocks of tea, rubber and tobacco in the
dockyards." With limited numbers of British troops, and French forces few
and unreliable, Gracey called on the Japanese to assist in patrolling the city
and clearing Vietnamese roadblocks. Rather than being concentrated and
disarmed, the Japanese were now informed that they would be responsible for
certain areas and for the security of any Europeans needing their aid. One
Indian officer recalled that the "Japanese were chiefly used for
protecting food convoys which they did with efficiency." 21
How large a role the Japanese played in
repelling the Vietnamese attacks on Saigon and breaking the blockade of the
city has always been obscure. The British and French had no interest in
highlighting their role. However, it is known that by the end of October the
Japanese had lost forty-four men, including seven officers, with seventy-nine
wounded and fifty missing.22
By the beginning of December, the
Japanese reported a total of 406 casualties in fighting the Vietnamese)
including 126 killed.23
While the British and French were turning
to the Japanese, so were the Vietminh. Somewhere between one thousand and three
thousand Japanese soldiers deserted their units and joined the nationalists
during August and September 1945. A few joined out of conviction, men who
wished to continue the fight for Greater East Asia or who simply could not
accept the idea of Japan's defeat. Captain Kanetoshi Toshihide found defeat "unthinkable." He could
not bear the thought of returning to Japan when most of his comrades had died
for the empire. Many Japanese intelligence officers spoke good Vietnamese and
had extensive contacts with Vietnamese organizations, especially the Cao Dai
and Hoa Hao. These men, some of whom were graduates
of the supersecret Nakano School for espionage and political warfare, were strongly
imbued with a Pan-Asian ideology. The fact that most were also excellent
candidates for war crimes trials must also have been an important
consideration. Besides intelligence officers or members of the Kempeitai, any soldier a8sociated with the construction of
the notorious Burma-Siam Railroad knew he was likely to be tried for brutality
or atrocities.24
A larger number of Japanese deserted
because they had begun to suspect they might have to wait years before
repatriation to Japan or saw no economic future for themselves once they did
return. Others had married or were involved with Vietnamese women. Of
thirty-five deserters captured by the French in 1945, sixteen had Vietnamese or
Eurasian wives, and several had children. Vietnamese women working in hospitals
or as interpreters for the Japanese Army reportedly also acted as recruiters
for the Vietminh. Some soldiers joined the Vietminh reluctantly through force
or blackmail or the promise of relatively high pay-which Japanese deserters did
receive.
Soldiers of the Vietminh Army in the
south were short of weapons and largely untrained; many were armed only with
axes or bamboo staves. The addition of experienced Japanese soldiers to their
ranks provided an enormous boost in military effectiveness. Japanese officers
and NCOs trained Vietnamese in the use and maintenance of weapons, small unit
tactics, and communications. Specialists provided training in field medicine,
staff work, and administration. Junior officers were trained in company and battalion
exercises. Japanese instructors introduced Vietnamese soldiers to the guerrilla
tactics they had intended to use against the superior Allied invaders in the
last months of the war. Japanese officers also led Vietminh forces in battle.
Nguyen Thi Tuyet Mai's platoon had a Japanese adviser
referred to as "Brother Hai" and had been armed by the Japanese one
day after the surrender.25
A French intelligence report concluded
that "arms, cadres, specialists and instructors furnished by the Japanese
were of very great combat value" to the Vietminh. "As fighters they
represent the most aggressive and formidable elements among the rebels." 26 The
French did their best to convince the British and Americans that Japanese help
to the Vietminh was part of a larger Japanese scheme to reestablish their
empire. "The Japanese are continuing the great War of Asia
clandestinely," concluded one French report.
Gracey and his newly arrived political
adviser H. N. Brain of the Foreign Office decided that it might be a good idea
to talk to the Vietnamese after all. The Vietnamese agreed to a cease-fire, and
talks were held between Cedile and representatives of
the southern revolutionaries. Neither side had much to offer the other. The
Vietnamese leaders knew that only a promise of independence would satisfy their
followers. The French declared that Paris had an enlightened program for
Indochina but that French officials in Indochina, even Leclerc, were not
empowered to discuss the question of independence or make any modifications to
French policy.
On October 10, a British Indian
reconnaissance party was ambushed outside Saigon, convincing Gracey that the
truce was at an end. British, French, and sometimes Japanese forces now took
the offensive, against the Vietnamese in order to "clear" Saigon and
its surrounding areas. By late October, French forces had swept into the Mekong
Delta, establishing control of the towns of My Tho,
Vinh Long, and Can Tho.70 As if to signal a return to normalcy, the
"Cercle Sportif," the center of French colonial social life, was
reopened, and French sportsmen could sip their drinks "while the sound of
cannon fire boomed regularly in the background and ashes from burning
Vietnamese villages drifted down on the tennis courts." 27
Throughout November, French troops
continued to arrive. French Foreign Legionnaires, many of them former members
of Rommel's Mrika Korps, spent their off-duty time in
bars and cafes singing German drinking songs. If the presence in Indochina of
these former adherents to the Nazi cause embarrassed the French, they hid that
embarrassment well. Only 30 percent of the Legion in Indochina were German,
they pointed out. Former SS men who could be identified were refused
enlistment. "The others, by asking to enlist in the Legion must absolutely
abandon their beliefs about 'race' and adopt the tradition of their corps which
are solely the traditions of the soldier." There could be no comparison to
the Vietminh recruitment of former Japanese soldiers; those who joined the
ranks of the Vietminh were "working toward the establishment of a
totalitarian regime." 28
During the autumn evenings, "the
streets of Saigon would fill with French soldiers and sailors and civilians,
Indian soldiers, a few British tommies, a few
scattered Chinese. French or metisse girls would pair
off with the troops walking arm-in-arm or sitting across tables at the few open
bars and cafes. Housewives, carrying their children with them, would comb the
few open markets where fruits and vegetables could be had from Chinese vendors
.... When the occasional straggling lines of trussed up or manacled Annamite
prisoners would pass, French men and women would stop to stare .... 'It is
really nothing,' said a Frenchman watching, 'some agitators brought by the
Japanese. We'll kill them off' " 29
Captured Vietnamese who had now begun
replacing the French and Legonnaires in the prisons
usually received a ten-minute trial. American newsmen covering the trials
reported that "often the proceedings in court and sometimes the indictment
itself are not understood by the accused persons .... The average defense plea,
as timed by the correspondents, takes under 4 minutes. In many cases the
accused appear to have been subjected to very severe 3rd degree measures and
some of them made the plea that they had signed their confessions under conditions
of duress." Those found guilty of circulating subversive leaflets received
on average five years' hard labor. Those convicted of possessing arms got ten to twenty years.30
The French correspondent for Paris-
Presse, an experienced journalist named Desaurrat,
claimed to have witnessed the brutal beating and murder of a prisoner and the
cold-blooded killing of sixteen wounded Vietnamese by French troops.
"Returning to Saigon, Desaurrat went to Leclerc
protesting as a veteran of World War I and of the Resistance of World War II.
He told Leclerc he was ashamed to be a Frenchman and that Germans were being
condemned to death for the same atrocities. Leclerc exploded in rage and
ordered Desaurrat from his office. Desaurrat cabled [his paper] to either print his entire
story or consider him no longer on the payroll." 31
By the middle of November, the ass was
reporting that "both British and French are of the opinion that organized
Resistance of the Vietminh Revolution has been almost completely
dispersed." French troops had taken control of Tay Ninh
to the north of Saigon and had moved into the central highlands by occupying
Ban Me Thuot. Yet the war in the south, touched off
by Gracey's anxiety to "restore law and order," was to continue until
1954. As French strength increased, Ho Chi Minh replaced Tran Van Giau with Nguyen Binh as leader
of the Vietminh resistance in the Saigon area. Binh
was an experienced military leader of considerable talent, but he had an
unfortunate proclivity toward kidnapping or murdering other Vietnamese who
appeared not to be so warm in the cause. During one month in the single area of
My Tho, forty-one intellectuals, former government
functionaries, rich proprietors, and landowners were killed or kidnapped,
including a man who was executed along with his wife for having a French flag
in his possession.32
With French troops arriving steadily,
the Southeast Asia Command could at last see the end of the tunnel. Field
Marshal Count Terauchi completed the formal Japanese surrender on November 30,
by which time the British had completed plans to begin concentrating the
Japanese at Cape St. Jacques for repatriation back to Japan. Mountbatten and
Admiral Thierry d' Argenlieu, the newly arrived
French high commissioner for Indochina, announced that on January 28, 1946,
France would assume responsibility for all military operations in Indochina
except for the repatriations from Cape St. Jacques. The bulk of the British
forces would begin their withdrawal on that date.
On the day of his departure, Gracey took
the salute on the steps of the Saigon city hall, flanked by Leclerc and Cedile. The British general was presented with a special
scroll and named a Citoyen d'Honneur
of the city, the first time in eighty years that such a distinction had been
conferred on any individual. Gracey's mission may have been as delicate and
complex as he always insisted it was, but to the cheering crowd of French
colonials gathered in front of the city hall, there was no question whose side
the general had been on. "The 20th Indian Division under General Gracey
was friendly toward us," read Leclerc's final report, "and we much
appreciated their aid." 33
1. Roosevelt to William Philips, 19
November 1942, cited in William Roger Lewis, Imperialism at Bay (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1987), p.180.
2. Operational Report by Lt. Col. D. K.
Broadhurst, Galvanic GLO, [no date] 1945, SOE, Far East, Malaya, HSI/119,
Public Record Office, London.
3. Duong Van Mai Elliott, Sacred Willow,Oxford University Press, 1999, p.107.
4. Motoo Furuta, "A Survey of Village Conditions During the
1945 Famine in Vietnam," in Kratoska, Food Supplies,
p. 237.
5. Thi Tuyet
Mai Guyen, The Rubber Tree: Memoir of a Vietnamese
Woman Who Was an Anti-French Guerrilla, a Publisher and Peace Activist
(Jefferson, N.C.: McFarland, 1994), p. 56.)
6. Nguyen Thi
Anh, "Japanese Food Policies," p. 221.
7. William J. Duiker, Ho Chi Minh: A
Lift (New York: Hyperion, 2000), p. 312.)
8. French Indochina (Political
Situation), 11 October 1945, SRH-094, National Archives Record Group 457. Marr,
Vietnam 1945, pp. 516-17.
9. Francois Guillemot, "Viet Nam
1945-1946: l'elimination de l'opposition nationaliste et anticolonialiste dans
le Nord: au creur de la fracture vietnamienne," in Christopher E. Goscha
and Benoit de Treglode, eds., Le Viet Nam depuis 1945: etats, contestations et
constructions du passe (Paris: Les Indes Savantes, 2004), pp. 1,5-9.)
10. Headquarters, United States Forces,
China Theater, Occupation of IndoChina North of 16°
N. Latitude, 11 September 1945, copy in National Archives Record Group 226,
entry 48, box 7.
11. Gallagher to Bernard Fall, 30 March
1956, Philip E. Gallagher Papers, U.S. Army Military History Institute,
Carlisle, Pa.
12. SIGEX Kandy to Director of
Operations, X-2 R&A, National Archives Record Group 226, entry 58, box 3.
13. John T. McAlister, Vietnam: The
Origins of Revolution (New York: Center for International Studies, Princeton
University, 1969), pp. 225-26.
14. Gallagher to Bernard Fall, 30 March
1956.
15. Memo No.1 of the Subcommittee of the
High Commission for the Southern Zone, "Principles a
observer a l'occasion de la reprise du travail,"
23 September 1945, dossier 1, 10H161, SHAT, Vincennes, Paris.
16. Memo for Adm. Mountbatten, subject:
FIC Political and Internal Situation, 3 October 1945, W0203/5562, Public Record
Office, London.
17. Quoted in Peter M. Dunn, First
Vietnam War, 1985, p. 198.
18. Force 136 detachment, Saigon, to
Headquarters, Force 136, subject: Saigon Control Commission, 19 October 1945,
HS1/104, Public Record Office, London.
19. Memo for the Secretary of State by
William J. Donovan, 27 September 1945, National Archives Record Group 226,
microfilm reel M1642.
20. Emery Plaice, New York Daily Herald,
September 29,1945.
21. Brigadier M. Hayaud
Din, "With the 20th Indian Division in French Indochina," Journal of
the Royal United Service Institute of India 78, July 1948, p.253.
22. SIGEX Kandy, message, 9 November
1945, National Archives Record Group 226, entry 53, box 3.
23. SIGEX, Singapore to X-2 R&A, 27
December 1945, National Archives Record Group 226, entry 53, box 3.
24. Activites Japonaises, 22 March 1946,
dossier "March 1946," 10H606, SHAT, Vincennes, Paris. Rapport sur la collusion nippo-vietnamienne, 9 August
1946, dossier 1E11224, 10H160, SHAT, Vincennes, Paris. "1,000 Deserters in
Southern Indochina," Hayashi, et al., Nihon Shiisenhi,
p. 118. Christopher E. Goscha, "Belated Allies:
The Contributions of Japanese Deserters to the Viet Minh (1945-1950)," in
Marilyn Young and Robert Buzzanco, eds., A Companion
to the Vietnam War (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2002), pp. 37-46.
25. Nguyen Thi
Tuyet Mai, The Rubber Tree, pp. 78, 80.
26. Rapport sur l'activite du Corps
Expeditionnaire Francais en Indochine, juin 1946, boite no. 18, dossier 1,
travail Dronne, pp. 14-15, Fonds historique Leclerc, Memorial du Marechal
Leclerc de Hautclocque, Paris.
27. India-Burma Intelligence Sitrep, 18
December 1945, Record Group 9, box 42, Douglas MacArthur Memorial Archives,
Norfolk, Va.
28. "Utilisation de la Legion
etrangere" [no date], dossier 2, fiche no. 9, 10H602, SHAT, Vincennes,
Paris.
29. Harold R. Isaacs, No Peace for Asia
(New York: Macmillan, 1947), p. 136.) SIGEX, Kandy to War Department Special
Services Unit, 10 November 1945, National Archives Record Group 226, entry 53,
box 3.
30. SIGEX, Kandy to War Department
Special Services Unit, 10 November 1945, National Archives Record Group 226,
entry 53, box 3.
31. Singapore to War Department
Strategic Services Unit, 20 December 1945, National Archives Record Group 226,
entry 53, box 3.
32. Dossier "Atrocities," 10H602,
SHAT, Vincennes, Paris.
33. "Rapport sur l'activite du Corps
Expeditionnaire," p.14.
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