Planet earth is
shutting down. Where the world feared China over Coronavirus, now the tables
are turned.
In the struggle to
get a grip on covid-19, one country after another is demanding that its
citizens shun society. As that sends economies reeling, desperate governments
are trying to tide over companies and consumers by handing out trillions of
dollars in aid and loan guarantees. Nobody can be sure how well these rescues
will work.
But there is worse.
Troubling new findings suggest that stopping the pandemic might require
repeated shutdowns. And yet it is also now clear that such a strategy would
condemn the world economy to the grave, perhaps intolerable, harm. Some tough
choices lie ahead.
Barely 12 weeks after
the first reports of people mysteriously falling ill in Wuhan, in central
China, the world is beginning to grasp the pandemic’s exact human and economic
toll. As of March 18th, SARS-CoV-2, the virus behind covid-19, had registered 134,000
infections outside China in 155 countries and territories. In just seven days,
that is an increase of almost 90,000 cases and 43 countries and regions. The
real number of cases is thought to be at least an order of magnitude higher.
Spooked, governments
are rushing to impose controls that would have been unimaginable only a few
weeks ago. Scores of countries, including many in Africa and Latin America,
have barred travelers from places where the virus is rife. Times Square is
deserted, the City of London is dark and in France, Italy and Spain cafés, bars
and restaurants have bolted their doors. Everywhere empty stadiums echo to
absent crowds.
It has become clear
that the economy is taking a much worse battering
than analysts had expected. Data for January and February show that
industrial output in China, which had been forecast to fall by 3% compared with
a year earlier, was down by 13.5%. Retail sales were not 4% lower, but 20.5%.
Fixed-asset investment, which measures the spending on such things as machinery
and infrastructure, declined by 24%, six times more than predicted. That has
sent economic forecasters the world over scurrying to revise down their
predictions. Faced with the most brutal recession in living memory, governments
are setting out rescue packages on a scale that exceeds even the financial
crisis of 2007-09.
This is the backdrop
for fundamental choices about how to manage the disease. Using an
epidemiological model, a group from Imperial College in London this week set
out a framework to help policymakers think about what lies ahead. It is bleak.
One approach is
mitigation, “flattening the curve” to make the pandemic less intense by, say,
isolating cases and quarantining infected households. The other is to suppress
it with a broader range of measures, including shutting in everybody, other
than those who cannot work from home, and closing schools and universities.
Mitigation curbs the pandemic, suppression aims to stop it in its tracks.
The modelers found
that, were the virus left to spread, it would cause around 2.2m deaths in
America and 500,000 in Britain by the end of summer. In advanced economies,
they concluded, three months of curve-flattening, including two-week
quarantines of infected households, would at best prevent only about half of
these. Moreover, peak demand for intensive care would still be eight times the
surge capacity of Britain’s National Health Service, leading to many more
deaths than the model did not attempt to compute. If that pattern holds in
other parts of Europe, even its best-resourced health systems, including
Germany’s, would be overwhelmed.
No wonder governments
are opting for the more stringent controls needed to suppress the pandemic.
Suppression has the advantage that it has worked in China. Today, Italy
added 4,207 new cases, whereas Wuhan counted none at all. China has
recorded a total of just over 80,000 cases in a population of 1.4bn people. For
comparison, the Imperial group estimated that the virus left to itself would
infect more than 80% of the people in Britain and America.
But that is why
suppression has a sting in its tail. By keeping infection rates relatively low,
it leaves many people susceptible to the virus. And since covid-19 is now so
widespread, within countries and around the world, the Imperial model suggests
that epidemics would return within a few weeks of the restrictions being
lifted. To avoid this, states must suppress the disease each time it
resurfaces, spending at least half their time in lock down. This on-off cycle
must be repeated until either the virus has worked through the population or
there is a vaccine that could be months away if one works at all.
This is just a model,
and models are only educated guesses based on the best evidence. Hence the
importance of watching China see if life there can return to normal without the
disease breaking out again. The hope is that teams of epidemiologists can test
on a massive scale to catch new cases early, trace their contacts and
quarantine them without turning society upside down. Perhaps they will be
helped by new drugs, such as a Japanese antiviral compound which China this
week said was promising.
But this is just a
hope, and hope is not a policy. The bitter truth is that mitigation costs too
many lives, and suppression may be economically unsustainable. After a few
iterations, governments might not have the capacity to carry businesses and
consumers. Ordinary people might not tolerate the upheaval. The cost of
repeated isolation, measured by mental well-being and the long-term health of
the rest of the population, might not justify it.
In the real world,
there are trade-offs between the two strategies, though governments can make
both more efficient. South Korea, China, and Italy have shown that this starts
with mass-testing. The more clearly you can identify who has the disease, the less
you must depend upon indiscriminate restrictions. Tests for antibodies to the
virus, picking up who has been infected and recovered, are needed to supplement
today’s, which are only valid just before and during the illness (see article).
That will let immune people go about their business in the knowledge that they
cannot be a source of further infections.
The second line of
attack is to use technology to administer quarantines and social distancing.
China is using apps to certify, who is clear of the disease and who is not.
Both it and South Korea are using big data and social media to trace
infections, alert people to hotspots, and round up contacts. South Korea
changed the law to allow the state to gain access to medical records and share
them without a warrant. In regular times many democracies might find that too
intrusive. Times are not typical.
Last, governments
should invest in health care, even if their efforts take months to bear fruit
and may never be needed. They should increase the surge capacity of intensive
care. Countries like Britain and America are desperately short of beds,
specialists, and ventilators. They should define the best treatment protocols,
develop vaccines, and test new therapeutic drugs. All this would make
mitigation less lethal and suppression cheaper.
Be under no
illusions. Such measures might still not prevent the pandemic from extracting a
heavy toll. Today governments seem to be committed to suppression, whatever the
cost. But if the disease is not conquered quickly, they will edge towards
mitigation, even if that will result in many more deaths. Understandably, just
now, that is not a trade-off any government is willing to contemplate. They may
soon have no choice.
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