By Eric Vandenbroeck and co-workers
The first round of
negotiations between the United States and Iran constitutes the second of its kind,
following the failure of the two countries to complete the initial negotiating
framework of the “semi-direct” talks hosted by the Sultanate of Oman on April
12, 2025. That track collapsed two days before the second round was due to
convene, when the United States carried out “Operation
Midnight Hammer” on June 22, 2025, targeting Iran’s main nuclear facilities
in Natanz, Isfahan, and Fordow.
The United States
enters this second negotiating framework, backed by the outcomes of its strikes
against the nuclear facilities, and in light of the new wave of protests
unfolding in Iran. Compared to the first negotiating framework, Washington has
sought to broaden the scope of the talks, moving - according to U.S. statements
- toward addressing a wider package of interrelated issues. These include
Iran’s missile and ballistic program, as well as its support for regional
proxies - issues that Tehran continues to insist are not subject to
negotiation.
For years, Iran
refused to include issues beyond the nuclear program
in its negotiations with the United States. However, current indicators point
to greater flexibility in Tehran regarding the expansion of the negotiation
agenda. It can be assumed that this flexibility is linked to the military
threats repeatedly signaled by Trump, who has, on nearly every occasion, raised
the possibility of striking Iran - particularly given that he is backed by a
sufficient military buildup capable of carrying out both offensive and
defensive operations.
Recent developments
have demonstrated the credibility of the American threat - whether in “Operation Midnight Hammer” or in the arrest of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro
on January 3, 2026, following a complex and large-scale military operation
carried out in the capital, Caracas. That operation was preceded by the largest
U.S. military buildup off Venezuela’s coast since the 1989 United States
invasion of Panama.
From Washington’s
perspective, its military deployments in the Middle East reinforce the ongoing
negotiating framework, as Henry Kissinger famously argued that diplomacy is
more effective when backed by power. For Iran, however, the U.S. military
threat represents a serious option, prompting Tehran to signal that it clearly
understands the message. What Iran fears most is no longer limited to strikes
against its nuclear program - since such strikes have already occurred - but
rather the prospect of unconventional methods that could lead to regime change,
alter its governing approach, or gradually undermine it to the point where its
replacement becomes only a matter of time.
For the first time in
decades, American rhetoric advocating regime change has become more consistent
and aligned with current developments. In the past, such rhetoric faced broad
opposition within U.S. public opinion and among American opinion leaders - particularly
from Trump and his political movement known as MAGA, which rejects military
interventions abroad. Military interventions have often been associated with
the model of prolonged American wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
However, two key
variables have now entered the equation. The first relates to the
transformation in the patterns of U.S. military operations, which have
increasingly relied on rapid execution and decisive outcomes. These operations
are characterized by high levels of operational and technological complexity,
combined with diplomatic and intelligence efforts. From this perspective, no
one possesses a clear idea of the potential form and nature of any U.S.
military move against the Iranian regime, an option that appears to be taking
shape day by day, based on the diplomatic trajectories emerging from the Oman
rounds, intelligence assessments, and military readiness.
The second
variable concerns the broad protests inside Iran and the shifts in the
domestic landscape in the post-war phase. In addition, dynamic analyses of the
course of military operations against Iran - beginning with Israel’s “Operation
Rising Lion” on June 13, 2025, which targeted Iran’s military capabilities, and
expanding to the U.S. “Operation Midnight Hammer,” which struck its nuclear
capabilities - suggest that the Iranian arena is operationally prepared for a
broader operation. Such an operation could aim at regime change or at creating
a wide strategic vacuum at the leadership level and across the security,
political, and military domains.

A satellite image
shows extensive damage to the new buildings at the Isfahan facility in Iran
following the U.S.strikes on June 22, 2025. Source:
MAXAR.
The Next Step Options
The options for the
next step are primarily linked to developments within the second negotiating
framework. Drawing on its surplus of power and prior experience, Washington is
demanding that Tehran make substantive concessions across the three pillars of
the negotiation agenda.
Beginning with Iran’s
support for its proxies - an issue of high importance to the United States and
closely tied to resolving other regional files, including the disarmament of what remains of Hezbollah in the
post-war context. Iran may offer relative concessions on this front, as
several of its proxies are experiencing an unprecedented state of weakness,
while others face intense pressure.
With Iran’s loss of
the Syrian arena - long regarded as a strategic and logistical cornerstone of
its regional project - the gradual erosion of its proxies’ power and influence
appears continuous and enduring. The continuation of this erosion would impose
political and economic burdens on Tehran. It is therefore logical for Iran to
seek an agreement of a strategic significance - one that would not leave room
for its proxies to undermine it or jeopardize its gains.
On the other hand,
Iran entered the negotiations aware that its current nuclear requirements no
longer align with those of the 2015 nuclear agreement. It also recognizes that
the U.S. position goes beyond interim arrangements or temporary understandings, instead
moving toward the full dismantlement of Iran’s nuclear capabilities - at least
within Iranian territory.
This could involve
the possibility of maintaining a limited enrichment capacity for peaceful
purposes at a level of 3.76%, under expanded international monitoring and
perhaps even outside Iran’s borders, in a manner that would prevent Tehran from
reconstituting its nuclear program at the threshold of military use. In return,
Iran would likely obtain international recognition - particularly from the
United States - of its right to benefit from nuclear energy for peaceful
purposes.
The expectation that
Iran may demonstrate a degree of flexibility in the two aforementioned files is
grounded in the reality that both tracks have been decisively affected by the
developments and outcomes of the war. However, that same premise renders the
missile and ballistic program the principal challenge within the negotiating
framework.
During the last war
with Israel, it constituted Iran’s primary offensive pillar and its main
instrument for deterrence and balance - particularly in light of Israeli and
American air superiority. Consequently, the likelihood of Iran offering
concessions in this file appears significantly lower.
On the one hand,
Israel insists on - and is pressing the United States to ensure - the decisive
resolution of Iran’s ballistic missile program within the negotiations. It has
signaled the possibility of acting unilaterally to undermine it, having experienced
during the war the scale and severity of the missile threat, which it regards
as an “existential threat.”
Moreover, Tehran
maintains that its ballistic program is designated for defensive purposes and
is non-negotiable, particularly as Iran has worked intensively to recover from
the damage it sustained during the war and continues to advance its
development.

Iranian Foreign
Minister Abbas Araghch, left, meets with his Omani counterpart Badr bin Hamad
Al Busaidi, Muscat, Oman, April 12, 2025. Source: Reuters
Why Seek an Agreement?
The present moment
suggests that the Middle East stands at a critical crossroads, closely tied to
developments unfolding in Iran. While Tehran has pursued an expansionist
foreign policy over the past decades, which has posed a sustained threat to its
neighbors, the broader region, and the United States. The internal turbulence
the country now faces, compounded by escalating pressure from intensified U.S.
sanctions and the widening scope of protest movements, places the region before
a potentially destabilizing scenario.
Such a scenario could
involve the collapse of the regime and the country’s descent into a spiral of
political and security vacuum - an outcome that both the region and the United
States are seeking to avoid.
In reality, the
ongoing negotiations represent a primary option for preserving regional
stability. Their success would mean the survival of the Iranian regime, but
without effective capabilities to conduct non-diplomatic activities beyond its
borders. Those activities include particularly its missile program and its
support for proxies, the two principal threats that have, for decades, posed
challenges to Israel and U.S. interests.

However, the failure
of the negotiations would place the United States before a major challenge -
namely, its ability to translate its threats of carrying out a military
operation against the Iranian regime. Observers and experts largely agree that
any limited military strike may fail to achieve its objectives in weakening or
undermining the regime.
At the same time,
launching a broad military campaign targeting the regime’s capabilities and
leadership could drive the country toward chaos - particularly in the absence
of ready and viable alternatives to the current regime in Iran.
Accordingly,
monitoring the next step requires assessing the trajectory of the ongoing
negotiating framework, which Washington is seeking to conclude swiftly, in a
manner that denies Iran the opportunity to maneuver for time and ease the
pressures imposed upon it. It is also linked to three key indicators:
First: the degree of
cohesion within the elite and leadership of the political system, particularly
in their positions on domestic and foreign issues.
Second: the scale and
breadth of the protest movement, as well as the extent to which its objectives
and demands align with visions for a post-regime scenario.
Third: the nature of
potential U.S. military action, which is believed to correspond closely with
the first two indicators. Such action is unlikely to be conventional - whether
in its tools or scope - but rather focused on several specific, high-value targets
designed to support alternative trajectories that are reportedly already under
preparation.
Finally, the
option of gradually constricting Iran remains on the table. The regime is
currently experiencing one of its most critical phases since the 1979 Revolution, both domestically and
externally. The continuation and escalation of present pressures could
ultimately lead to the regime’s decline - resembling the slow demise of the
Roman Empire, which endured a prolonged period of gradual deterioration before
its eventual fall.
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