By Eric Vandenbroeck
and co-workers
The nature of the ARE
At last, we are in a
position to assess the nature of the Cayce movement in general and the ARE in particular. Fundamental is the question of
whether the ARE is or is not a de facto religion.
Institutional attitudes toward skepticism directed at the Cayce material are a
closely related issue. To illustrate: if the ARE were
something like a religion, then depending on the nature of the religion, it
might be unrealistic to expect it to give voice to skepticism, any more than
one would ask Vatican publications to provide equal space for atheism.
Alternatively, if the ARE were closer to a research
society (whether historical, medical, or parapsychological), it would be a very
poor one to the extent that it favored believers over skeptics. If the ARE were something like a twelve-step organization or
an alternative healthcare provider, we would not expect it to encourage either
skepticism or explicit dogma since neither of these is likely to be perceived
as having clear, practical relevance to the task of changing lives. Still
another possibility is that the ARE is primarily a
business, in which case its leaders would support whatever they thought would
make money.
Officially, the ARE
exists
to promote the study,
application, and dissemination of the information contained in the psychic
readings of Edgar Cayce and to help people change their lives for the better through
the spiritual concepts in the Cayce readings.
Even if this
statement were perfectly nonproblematic, this would not be the final word on
the ARE's identity since subunits such as the study group program publish
mission statements of their own which are quite different from this one.
Most decision-makers
within the ARE actively resist suggestions to the effect that their
organization is a church, denomination, or religion, for example, after my
frequent slips of the tongue in which I absent-mindedly compare them with
"other religions." (I take "church,"
"denomination," and "religion" to be interchangeable in
this context- since the independence and organizational complexity of the ARE are not in dispute.) To the extent that ARE leaders admit
they ARE to resemble a church, they usually rue this tendency. Yet, the ARE propagates a distinctive set of spiritual teachings
and organizes spiritual practices (e.g., through study groups) for its members,
who often draw from the organization a sense of belonging or spiritual
identity. For this reason, the ARE is listed in
Melton's Encyclopedia of American Religions, along with many
other organizations with similar reservations about their inclusion. It is
amusing to note that the Logos Center is devoted to a set of nearly identical
perspectives to that which the ARE sponsors, yet does
not shrink from identifying itself (or one of its components) as a church.
Much ARE literature,
beginning with the readings themselves, encourages members to remain active
within their own churches and synagogues, as Cayce did. (Cayce perhaps failed
to anticipate that so many ARE members would not belong to any regular church.)
One handout explains "Why the ARE is Not a
Cult." Some of the reasons offered were:
- We encourage you to
work in your own personal preferred church or religious organization. If it
comes to a choice between ARE and your church, stay with your church.
- We do not encourage
you to "identify with" ARE. Identify with the Christ principle.
- We encourage the
comparative study, not just the study of one source or perspective.
- Membership in the
ARE is based upon a wish to work with this information and support this
work--not upon agreeing to a dogma or belief system. (127)
Some of Puryear's
provisions seem to assume that if they ARE were a church, denomination, or
religion, that would make it a "cult" in the popular pejorative
sense. Is it automatically wrong to start a new church, denomination, or
religion" Presumably, Puryear no longer thinks so now that he has left the
ARE to establish the aforementioned Logos Center.
Conceptions of
religion formulated with mainstream Western Christian institutions frequently
prove inadequate when applied to movements from outside this tradition. While
the task of defining the term "religion" is notoriously vexed, it
seems clear enough that not all of what we normally take to be religious
traditions demand the exclusive allegiance of their followers; expect adherence
to a set of beliefs; conduct weddings or funerals; ordain clergy; organize
rituals, or possess any other nameable characteristic that might serve to
distinguish religions from non-religions. Thus, the ARE cannot legitimately
avoid the label "religion" on any of these bases. Why then, would the ARE object to being called a religion? The original
reason seems to have been to avoid offending members and prospective members
who already belong to one of the many religious traditions that expect
exclusive allegiance from their adherents. According to this, the ARE presents itself as something more similar to a
parachurch organization (such as a prayer group or Bible study group) rather
than an independent church 'in its own right. At the same time, much
institutional resistance to the "religion" or "church" label
seems to arise out of a widely-felt discomfort with the exclusivist positions
of certain Christian groups, which ARE members are determined not to emulate.
Some make the distinction between "religion" and
"spirituality" in this connection. This may explain why the APE can officially
deny that it is a religion. but largely take it for granted that it is a
"spiritual organization."
What kind of
spirituality is the ARE devoted to? Cayce's type of spirituality, of course,
but this leaves substantial room for interpretation. Today, a certain amount of
cultural conflict can be observed between the more conservative Cayceans, who tend to see Cayce as more reliable than other
psychics, and Christianity as closer to the truth than other religions; and the
more liberal Cayceans who typically view the Cayce
material as one of many equally helpful sources of guidance, and the various
religions as equal paths to truth. These are not two distinct camps so much as
extremes along a spectrum that appears closely correlated with age (the older,
the more conservative) and geography (the closer to San Francisco, the more
liberal). Conservatives control ARE periodicals and the study group program;
liberals control conferences and most of the regions.
Christian language
and practices have held a privileged position within the Cayce movement for two
reasons: First, most participants are oriented towards Christianity by their
upbringing. If a study group consists of six Christians and one Jew, it will
probably have six Christian prayers for every Jewish one-a situation more
hospitable to the Christians than to the Jew. Second, the Cayce readings
themselves make frequent use of Christian imagery. Kevin Todeschi
thinks that ARE leaders would "shoot themselves in the foot" if they
tried to downplay the Christian elements owing to a large number of Christian
references in the readings but proposes reinterpreting them in terms of
"oneness" 'to make them acceptable to people from other religions (an
approach which he attributes to Cayce). Others profess to be open to adopting
multireligious approaches but have never arranged for such approaches to be
adopted. As a result, the Christian language has become the ARE's lingua
franca. At the same time, since most Cayceans
are also interested in other types of alternative spirituality, (128) the ARE has played host to everything from chanting Tibetan
Buddhist monks to lecturers on UFOs
(with whom Cayce writers enjoy a strange but friendly rivalry over matters
Egyptological). Despite such variety, a certain perennialist outlook prevails in ARE circles which has
it that all of these diverse ideologies at some level reflect the same truth.
"Correlations" between Cayce and other systems are celebrated;
serious conflicts are minimized or regarded as something of an embarrassment.
The same holds for ARE-sponsored comparisons of Cayce and those whom I consider
being his sources. (129)
I have been examining
the Cayce movement’s attitude toward Christianity and other religions, but what
about its attitude toward Cayce? Could the Cayce movement's veneration of Cayce
be considered analogous to the reverence of "other religions" for
their respective founders? Although Cayceans will
usually deny this interpretation (and some will find it offensive), it so
happens that certain crucial roles within the ARE are
officially limited to believing Cayceans.
Periodically, the combined ARE/ECF board of trustees places an announcement
in Venture Inward soliciting nominations for new board
members:
ARE Life and
Sponsoring members may recommend candidates. A nominee must have been a life or
sponsoring member for at least three years; have a background of organizational
leadership experience; demonstrated a character and personal life representing
spiritual ideals and purposes; is not. nor is their spouse a paid employee; has
received personal help from applying the Cayce readings; and is nominated by
five Life or Sponsoring members. (130)
While it makes sense
for a church to limit board membership to believers in the religion or
denomination in question, such a requirement seems wildly out of place
concerning a research society or a business. Interestingly, the ARF/ECF board
has limited applicants not only to religious believers but more specifically to
those who are willing to affirm that they have "received personal help
from applying the Cayce readings." While the board of Atlantic University
has a similar requirement. It was not applied to AU presidential candidate Thomas
Wallace was the proximate cause of the ARE/AU split. Ordinary ARE staff members
do not seem to be officially subject to the requirement, except for counselors
and cooks for the ARE camp, who, according to the application forms, must
believe in a spiritual worldview "such as" that of the Cayce
readings. The Glad Helpers have an implicit religious requirement for those who
wish to serve as conduits for spiritual healing through the laying of hands.
These must first apply to the group and be accepted before taking on this role
during Glad Helpers prayer services. Again, Cayce must take the credit or blame
for this situation-even rank-and-file member of the ANI were technically
required to "have faith in the Divine, around the psychic manifestations
of which the activities of the Association hinge." (131)
Skepticism toward the
Cayce material has been articulated from time to time within ARE organs, but
only on a limited basis. For example, Cayce's account of predynastic Egypt has
often been criticized on archeological grounds; (132) his predictions of
catastrophic earth changes have also been doubted, with at least four different
strategies having been proposed for explaining how the Cayce material might
still be considered reliable even if nothing happens as predicted 1998;
(133)and the Christian content of the readings has been a point of considerable
debate, with several articles devoted to the role and perspective of Jewish ARE
members. (134) However, no serious dialogue ever arisen between believers and skeptics
with respect to the Cayce material in general. When The Skeptical
Inquirer printed an article purporting to debunk Cayce, (135) no
Caycean organ took notice.
A. Robert Smith
(editor of Venture Inward since 1984), Robert Grant (editor
of The New Millennium from 1996 to 1997), and Rebecca Ghittino (former ARE conference director) all profess to be
open to including more radical skeptical perspectives, but have never done so.
(In all fairness, the question seems to have never come up before I raised it.)
Kieth VonderOhe (the
current conference director) correctly points out that skeptical speakers are
simply not what conference attendees are looking for. The bookstore's mission
statement dedicates it to promoting only books "based on or compatible
with" the Cayce readings. The library contains a perfect collection of
metaphysical and esoteric literature, including books by skeptics and others
whose perspective is opposed to the ARE. (As an extreme example, the catalog
lists Anton Szandor LaVey's Satanic
Bible.) However, a book in the ARE library is much less likely to
impact Cayceans than a book sold through the
bookstore(136) or published by the ARE Press. While the
ARE Press has redesigned its publication criteria three times in the past five
years and has not had a consistent policy as to whether a skeptical work might
be considered, its books have invariably supported the Cayce material.
Since many religions
are more interested in the behavior than the beliefs of their followers, we
should consider whether the Cayce movement prescribes any particular practices
or lifestyles. As an open-membership organization, the
ARE cannot exclude anyone from membership on any such basis, but we have seen
much more to the ARE than mere membership. Study groups and the like will
expect that attendees participate in whatever activities the group has chosen.
Another good illustration is the ARE Camp, which requires (during the
children's sessions) three main types of observances of its campers and staff:
meditation, dream analysis, and the Cayce diet. Of course, no Caycean would
suggest that anyone has a religious obligation to attend study groups (let
alone something like the ARE camp) or follow the various practices associated
with them. Yet, the ARE clearly favors and encourages
certain practices to such an extent that those who are not religious or whose
religious views are markedly different from those prevailing within the Cayce
movement will find themselves in a subculture with hardly any place for them.
Discussion of the
status of (the surely rare) nonbelievers within the ARE leads naturally to the
question of whether the ARE can be considered a
research organization since genuine research presumes the admissibility of
skepticism. "Research is our middle name," one spokesperson quipped,
and this clearly represents an important institutional emphasis. At the same
time, it is equally clear that the ARE's notion of "research" is
greatly expanded from those of the relevant scientific or scholarly disciplines
to which it aspires to contribute. For example, whenever ARE literature speaks
of "researching" or "experimenting with" ideas from the
Cayce material, this is typically meant to apply them in one's life to decide
if they seem helpful, not evaluating them systematically using generally
accepted methodologies. To take a particularly glaring example, for many years,
the ARE bookstore advertised computer-printed
horoscopes by inviting readers to participate in a "research
project," which apparently consisted solely of whatever studies the
persons ordering the chart chose to undertake.
The
ARE board of trustees has recently appointed a research committee to formulate
a formal research policy for the organization. Charged with summarizing the
committee's conclusions, board chairman C.K. Stan Khury
explained that "research" could be interpreted as encompassing such
varied activities as study groups (because they encourage attendees to explore
Cayce's basic spiritual perspective as well is "dreams. astrological
applications, healing touch, prayer, past-life regressions, the Bible,
etc."): individuals engaged in meditation, dream analysis, or following
Cayce's dietary recommendations; conferences and tours; publishing stories of
people helped by the Cayce material: and even massotherapy.
"Every activity of the ARE can be cast in this research context." he
concluded(137)Khury's statement came in the context
of controversy over the ARE mission statement, one draft of which omitted any
mention of research. While his analysis raises obvious methodological concerns,
it captures very well the reality that,, for better or worse, the AR-E is
identified with a certain set of ideas and practices on which its institutional
energies will probably always be focused.
Still, some ARE
members (e.g., Edgar Evans Cayce) have been vocal in their support of actual
research, and many ARE leaders (especially the doctorate-holders in psychology
and the physical sciences) are presumably well aware that personal testimonials
and the like do not provide good reasons for believing in the Cayce material.
As a result, the ARE has recently begun sponsoring a
limited amount of research that attempts to meet scientific standards. For
example, the nonprofit Meridian Institute(138) has received an ARE grant to
research Cayce's analysis of epilepsy using a thermographic camera (the
readings mention a "cold spot" on the abdomen due to incoordination
of the nerve plexuses), as well as his recommended treatments (castor oil
poultices plus several types of therapeutic electrical appliances). The project
is also intended to study "psoriasis ... schizophrenia, depression, and
anemia." (139). Whether the study's results will pass muster with the
wider scientific community remains to be seen. Independently of any ARE
sponsorship, chiropractor John O.A. Pagano has experimented with the Cayce
readings on psoriasis, apparently with great Success. (140) William McGarey's earlier research on castor oil also deserves
citation this context, (141)especially in light of his influence on the
alternative health movement in general.
Turning to Caycean
research in fields other than medicine, during the 1960s and 1970's Hugh Lynn
led ECF delegations to the island of Bimini in the Bahamas (where they
attempted to locate archaeological remains of sunken Atlantis); Shustar, Iran (the site of some of the Persian readings);
and Haifa, Israel (in search of evidence for Cayce's readings on the Essenes). These
excursions are probably more accurately characterized as group vacations rather
than serious research expeditions. In 1977 and 1978, the ECF sponsored work by
the Stanford Research Institute to conduct a remote sensing survey of the
Sphinx at the expense of between USD 70,000 and 100,000. An excavation was
conducted in front of the Sphinx temple as well. (142) The Cayce readings
indicate the existence of a tunnel under its right paw, which leads to the Hall
of Records, where proof of the historicity of Atlantis supposedly awaits. Mark
Lehner, who has since become one of the top authorities on the Giza Plateau,
represented the ECF's interests in the project. At the American University in
Cairo, Lehner's graduate education had been financed largely by the ECF at Hugh
Lynn's behest, apparently, because Hugh Lynn recognized him from a previous
life. (143) From the ECF's standpoint the project was inconclusive, as were
various attempts to reach the elusive tunnel by drilling. As for how Cayceans have managed to secure government permission to
engage in such quixotic and destructive projects, a clue may be glimpsed in
Hugh Lynn's assertion, a lie arranged for the doctoral education of Zahi Hawass, now Egyptian
Department of Antiquities director-general for the Giza plateau, at the
University of Pennsylvania. (144) (Hawass denies the
allegation.) In 1984 the ECF sponsored carbon dating of the Great Pyramid, in
hopes that the results would show it to have been built around 10,500 B.C.rather than the conventional Fourth Dynasty dating of
around 2500 or 2600 B.C. The results suggested a date of 2900 B.C., older than
the standard view but far too young to be considered a confirmation of Cayce's
account. (145)Lehner has since concluded that the evidence in favor of the
Fourth Dynasty dating is overwhelming and that Cayce's Egyptian readings should
be considered mythical (in a positive, quasi-Jungian sense) rather than
historical in nature. Some Cayceans regard his
conversion as a betrayal, although Lehner denies any ill-will toward the Cayce
movement. More recently Venture Inward has given attention to
the claims of geologist Robert Schoch, who dates the construction of the Sphinx
to 5000-9000 BC "or even older" (against a conventional age of about
the same as the Great Pyramid) based on wind erosion patterns; but not to the
counterarguments of Lehner or geologist James A. Harrell. (146)Worse yet,
Schoch is a pillar of respectability compared to many of the speakers at the
annual ARE "Atlantis/Egypt" conferences (e.g., Graham Hancock, Robert Bauval).
In the 1970s, the
four ARE executives with psychology Ph.D.'s published psychology papers based
on ARE home-study projects. Herbert Puryear, Charles Thomas Cayce, and Mark
Thurston co-authored "Anxiety reduction associated with
meditation" (Perceptual and Motor Skills, Oct. 1976), while
Henry Reed wrote, "Improved dream recall associated with
meditation" (Journal of Clinical Psychology, January 1978).
Several doctoral dissertations in psychology have been written on Cayce,
including Cleveland Kent Evans's Religion and Cognitive Style: An
Exploration of Jung's Typology Among ARE Study Group Members (University
of Michigan, 1985) and John Zola Amoroso's PastLife
Therapy: An Integrated Transpersonal Psychotherapeutic Approach (Union
Institute, 1992).
Beyond these limited
projects, the ECF and ARE deserve credit for making the Cayce readings
available in the first place since the process which led to their eventual
publication on CD-ROM would have been impossible without a substantial
commitment of labor and resources. Yet, the mere dissemination of Cayce's
information should not in itself qualify the ARE as a research organization.
Instead, we should ask whether ARE culture embodies scholarly ideals and
attitudes, and here the answer seems to be no. Basic ARE activities such as
publications and conferences tend not to reflect well-reasoned, critical
approaches-on the contrary; they typically play host to any number of dubious
ideas for which criticism is kept muted. Almost any claim (whether medical,
historical. or spiritual) may be given to an audience provided it is
sufficiently alternative or confirmatory of ARE beliefs; and that the speaker
or writer at least hints at some privileged connection with the truth. The
result is that ARE activities are closer to entertainment than to research or
education, and the ARE admits as much in an apparent
Freudian slip at the back of several books when it names as its goals
"assisting spiritual growth and providing nourishing entertainment. (147)
Even Atlantic University, which might be expected to cultivate a more critical
attitude in its students, presently disappoints.
Like Alcoholics
Anonymous and other twelve-step groups, the ARE might
be considered primarily as a life-support system for the small groups meeting
under its auspices, in which case its mission would presumably become one of
changing its members' lives. In fact, this language is incorporated into tile's
current mission statement, in which the ARE aspires
in part "to help people change their lives for better through the
spiritual concepts in the Cayce readings." This would also explain why
trustees have to affirm having been "helped" by the readings, as well
as the emphasis on "application" over mere study-as if attempts to
apply Cayce's suggestions, however uncritical or unsystematic, were something
obviously worthy of encouragement. Again like Alcoholics Anonymous, ARE
literature is heavily oriented toward personal testimonials, with little effort
to include the voices of those who find concepts from the readings unhelpful.
Bro finds it significant that the first study groups began meeting within a few
years of the formation (148). However, the latter may be traced through
the Oxford Movement to evangelical Protestant roots similar to Cayce's.
Another possibility
is to view the Cayce movement primarily as a source of alternative health care
and health advice. Certainly, it often functions as such. Cayce-recommended
massages and colonic irrigation treatments are available through the Reilly
School of Massotherapy, various services from the two
Caycean clinics in Arizona, and the Logos Center, Cayce-recommended products
and electrical devices Health Products, and the Heritage Store, and healing
prayer through the Glad Helpers. From the demand for health-related information
and products, it seems clear that Caycean therapy is often self-prescribed.
Given the demographics of the Cayce movement, it is easy to see why health
would be a major concern for many Cayce people. (149)
The suggestion that
the Cayce movement could be considered a business consortium might be greeted
either as libelous since the ARE and its affiliates
operate on a nonprofit basis (although this, of course, would not apply to
commercial publishers or health care providers); or as tautological, since no
organization, however lofty its goals, is exempt from economic reality. By
invoking this model, I mean to underscore the extent to which the Cayce
movement centers around the sale of goods and services such as books,
conferences, tours, health products, and medical treatment. Even ARE membership
itself might be considered just another type of product to be marketed. To
put the issue in perspective, consider that the ARE
at year's end 1996 had total assets of about S 10.7 million, and an
annual l budget of about $7 million. Total annual sales income had
been $2.3 million, more than half of which was profit. Fees brought in
nearly $2 million. Memberships provided about $1.5 million, and donations of
various types totaled another $1 million. Meanwhile, operating expenses were
$5.6 million for program services and S 1.3 million for support services. Does
the ARE's reliance on revenue from sales and fees compromise its ability to
support critical approaches to Cayce? Certainly, the (nonprofit) ARE bookstore
and ARE Press must give a great deal of weight to the market demands, although
these also purport to evaluate books according to quality. The magazine editors
are somewhat less constrained since their periodicals are automatic member
benefits, yet they too cater to the interests of the average Caycean. Cayce
dissidents often complain that the task of maintaining ARE finances has tended
to interfere with its stated spiritual or intellectual mission.
All told, the ARE "is" whatever its members and leaders
make out of it. Inevitably not all of these will agree on what the ARE is or should be. Some leave when they do not find
their vision reflected, complaining about the politics of Virginia Beach.
Others accommodate themselves to a framework with which they are not entirely
comfortable or become outspoken in their attempts to change the organization. The ARE leadership presently incorporates several distinct
visions--some complementary, some not. The organization is sufficiently
decentralized to keep these visions in a sort of equilibrium based partially on
inertia (once a given program is started, it will probably be continued),
partially because most Cayceans have multiple
interests concerning the readings. Skeptical or scholarly approaches, however,
are definitely a minority interest within the ARE. They are almost wholly
unrepresented within those functions which have the greatest capacity for
influencing the Caycean masses (e.g., study groups, publishing, or
conferences). Despite the support of some board members (who disagree on what
"research" is and how much money the ARE
can afford to devote to it), research is neither a major goal of the ARE in its
own right nor an effective means to other ends. Rather, it is variously an
object of ARE charity, a public relations activity, a disguised form of product
development, or an expression of a liberal theological identity (against those
Southern Protestant denominations that are perceived as anti-scientific).
Inquiries into the source question have lacked the necessary connections for
the first category, are not particularly well-suited to the second or third,
and work at cross-purposes to the fourth by giving comfort to the ARE's
enemies. The result is that Cayce's research has proceeded for half a century
now without much appreciation of the Cayce movement's forebears.
Following is the
overview of the other parts in this major case study whereby underneath you
will see the footnotes in reference to the above section:
Cayce's ability
(whatever its nature) to effortlessly absorb books' contents makes it seem
inevitable that Cayce would have attempted to acquire religious knowledge in
this way. The day after he arrived in Hopkinsville, Cayce searched for a
town-based job and found one with E.H. Hopper & Son Bookstore, which from
1874 to 1913 also housed Hopkinsville's collection of public library books.
There "seemed to be something appealing" about the bookstore, and
Cayce recalls that "the several years I remained there seemed to be the
stepping stones: yea. even the door to life itself." without explaining
why, continue in Edgar Cayce's Secret, Part 1.
Robert Smith claimed
that if Cayce did meet President Wilson, however, he was never told of
this and suggested that he had confused Wilson with a cousin of the
president's for whom Cayce did, in fact, give readings. Also, several of
Cayce's partners and associates in the several oil ventures were clearly
promoters of dubious character. The question must be asked whether Cayce
himself should be considered one as well rather than simply as an innocent pawn
of others, as ARE literature suggests. That Cayce no less than Kahn was an
active participant in what came to be known simply as "the
proposition" is illustrated by his travels to "New Orleans, Jackson,
Memphis, Denver, all over Texas, St. Louis, Chicago. Indianapolis, Cincinnati-
Washington, New York, Philadelphia, Florida.," as well as Columbus. Kansas
City, Pittsburgh, and New York City. In any case, what began as a search
for oil and then for oil investors around 1922 blurred into a direct search for
hospital donors. Allies in Birmingham, New York, and Chicago all indicated a
willingness to raise money for the venture, provided it would be located in
their respective cities. The readings, however, indicated the Norfolk area,
apparently for spiritual and karmic reasons, continue in Edgar Cayce's Secret, Part 2.
Attempts to pinpoint
Cayce's religious heritage are inevitably contentious given the strong feelings
of so many people who seek to claim (or reject) him as a representative of
their own beliefs. Christian-oriented Cayceans such
as Bro stress the Christian basis of his teachings while asleep and active
church life while awake over the objections of Christian opponents of Cayce,
who emphasize his many departures from mainstream Christian doctrine. New Agers
note Cayce's use of language and ideas consistent with various Western esoteric
traditions; simultaneously, Christian-oriented Cayceans point
to his efforts to distance himself from Spiritualism and occultism. There is
something to be said in favor of all of these perspectives. I propose to call
Cayce a syncretizer since this brings out
the diversity of his sources and suggests fruitful link's with other
turn-of-the-century syncretizers.- In 1906,
a test was arranged for Cayce in which he would give a reading for a patient
chosen for him before a large audience of visiting physicians. However, when
the reading proved accurate, members of the audience stormed up to him while he
still lay in a trance and began conducting impromptu tests to see if he really
was under hypnosis. One doctor peeled back one of his fingernails, while
another stuck a hatpin through his face-common stunts in stage hypnosis at the
time. Cayce did not flinch but later awoke in great pain. As a result of this
experience, he resolved to stop trying to convince skeptics and give readings
only for those who genuinely wanted his help. To Cayceans,
the incident illustrates the limitations of a formal scientific or scholarly
approach to the readings, continue in Edgar Cayce's Secret, Part 3.
The usual approach to
the readings also ignores the passage of time. Readings from different decades
are quoted alongside one another typically (due to the nature of the ARE's
citation style for readings extracts) with no indication of when they were
delivered. Yet, a certain evolution can be observed in the content and tone of
the readings over the five decades of Cayce's psychic career, which becomes
lost whenever readings from different periods are lumped together the indiscriminately.-The
chronic problem is that those aspects of Cayce which manage to find their way
into popular publication are those which match the needs and mores of the Cayce
movement. These are often arbitrarily or ideologically chosen, continue in Edgar Cayce's Secret, Part 4.
In the course of
surveying the history and teachings of the Cayce movement, it is easy to lose
sight of the experience of its participants. After all, Cayceans are typically less interested in studying the
origins of their institutions than in contemplating the possibility of deeper
levels to the universe and themselves or in changing their lives to reflect
more of spiritual orientation. How these aspirations are expressed are numerous, continue
in Edgar Cayce's Secret, Part 5.
Today, the ARE's
request that study groups collect contributions seems to be practiced regularly
when not disregarded altogether. Of the groups I have attended, only the one at
ARE headquarters solicited donations each week, with one dollar appearing to be
the standard per capita contribution.- A democratic ARE (to
the extent that such a thing is even conceivable) might easily prove even more
anti-intellectual and personality-driven than its present incarnation. At the
same time, the example of the Swedenborg Foundation demonstrates that it is
possible to combine academic respectability (recent monographs have dealt with
D.T. Suzuki. Henri Corbin and Kant) with at least nominal democratic safeguards
(e.g., proxy voting). A key difference is that the various Swedenborgian
churches are institutionally separate from the Swedenborg Foundation- whereas
the ARE combines both of these functions and many more, continue in Edgar Cayce's Secret, Part 6.
Edgar
Cayce's readings are full of Masonic allusions- Cayce refers to
Jesus's initiation through a series of degrees in Egypt. Besides the obviously
Masonic concepts of initiation and degrees, turn-of-the-century Freemasonry
often wrapped biblical themes in ancient Egyptian motifs, following the pattern
set by Cagliostro. In addition, Cayce sees geometry as containing deep
spiritual insights, a quintessentially Masonic notion. The letter "G"
in the Masonic symbol is sometimes said to stand for "geometry,"
although American Masons usually interpret it as standing for "God."
The Royal Arch degree, known as the "Knight of East and West," even
uses the symbolism of the Book of Revelation in an initiatory context, as does
Cayce, continue in Edgar Cayce's
Secret, Part 8.
During his lifetime,
Cayce was widely assumed to have some connection with Spiritualism, as illustrated
by this 1930 headline from the Baltimore Sun: "Spiritualist
Research Aim of Atlantic University." (177) Observers of Cayce had
good reason to associate him with Spiritualism, since Cayce's practice of
medical clairvoyance was known from the Spiritualist movement (Edgar Cayce
would also subsequently claim to have become a reader of the “Akashic
Records"), continue in Edgar Cayce's Secret, Part 9.
Like Blavatsky,
Cayce, too would report being visited by a being wearing white robes and a
turban. Several of Cayce's friends had an interest in Theosophy, including
Arthur Lammers and Morton Blumenthal, and while awake, Cayce spoke before at
least one Theosophical Society meeting (in Birmingham, Alabama), continue
in Edgar Cayce's Secret, Part 10.
The Cayce readings refer
to New Thought denominations from time to time; 3063-1 recommends "Divine
Science, Unity, or Christian Science; provided they do not require that the
body be kept from making those administrations for the physical and mental
self." Except for Christian Science, Cayce appears to regard these
movements favorably, without any of the qualifications which inevitably
accompany his praise of other religious movements such as Spiritualism or
Theosophy. Today, ARE functions bear more than a passing resemblance to New
Thought services, and many ARE conferences and retreats are held in Unity
churches and the like. A retreat jointly sponsored by Unity and ARE was held at
Unity Village in 1996 after several previous ARE events. (Charles Thomas Cayce
met his eventual wife, Leslie Goodman Cayce, at just such an occasion.) The ARE
Library has acquired the Metaphysical Society of San Francisco, established by
Homes of Truth founder Annie Rix Militz, continue
in Edgar Cayce's Secret, Part 11.
The outlines of the
"proto-New Age" should be clear enough now. Around the turn of the
century, several spiritual leaders and movements whose teachings mixed themes
from Spiritualism, Theosophy. New Thought, and alternative health. They
emphasized reincarnation, astrology, and psychic phenomena and spoke of
Atlantis, ancient Egypt, the Essenes- and Jesus's Journey to India. They
endorsed alternative health practices (often naturopathic ones). They accepted
a view of human anatomy which merged the chakras and nadis of Indian lore with the glandular
and nervous systems of the Western fore. Many (though by no means all)
'incorporated racist or anti-Semitic beliefs into their spiritual systems. It
is here that we should take for Cayce's closest theological relatives.-Despite
Cayce's reluctance to endorse it, the teachings
of The Aquarian Gospel of Jesus, continue in Edgar Cayce's Secret, Part 12.
Cayce's psychological
or spiritual interpretation of the fourth dimension and the explanation was
given, consistent with Ouspensky's explanation
in Tertium Organum. Although Cayce's division of human nature
and the universe into three levels seems natural, it represents a departure
from most other Western esoteric traditions and comes closest to that of Rudolf
Steiner, continue in Edgar Cayce's
Secret, Part 13.
Apart from pulp
fiction which, as we described, also led to Scientology, there is an earlier precursor that also might
have inspired the ancient astronaut theory first popularized by the "Occult
Science" of H.P. Blavatsky, who wrote in her widely sold book "The
Secret Doctrine" (which claimed to reveal "the origin and evolution
of the universe and humanity itself") that already during the time of
"Atlantis" there were flying machines and that knowledge of such
machines "was passed on" to later generations in India. Similarly,
the founder of today's top-rated Waldorf schools Rudolf Steiner, also claimed
that the Atlanteans had aircraft that
had steering mechanisms by which they could rise above mountain ranges.
In the perpetual
motion milieu, frauds who have appealed to occultist thinking have abounded.
For example, from 1873 until he died in 1898, John E. W. Keely of Philadelphia
promoted a mysterious motor that ran on "etheric force" derived from
the "disintegration of water." He raised millions from financiers and
the public for his company on the strength of his demonstrations of such
phenomena as musical notes causing weights to rise and fall. Of these
performances, which had a kinship to séances, he remarked, "I am always a
good deal disturbed when I begin one of these exhibitions, for sometimes if an
unsympathetic person is present, the machines will not work." Theosophists
of the age admired him for combining "the intuitions of the seer with the
practical knowledge of mechanics."
Rudolf Steiner firmly
believed in and confirmed his own so-called clairvoyance the reality of the
Keely phenomena to next claim to e able to
duplicate Keely through his own Clairvoyantly as described in the article
"From the Keely engine to the Strader machine. Except
as Wouter Haanegraaf clearly
demonstrated, Steiner's clairvoyance was based on 'imaginative
fantasy.' Continue in Edgar Cayce's Secret, Part 14.
The readings claim that
Mary, Joseph, and Jesus were affiliated with an Essene community based on Mount
Carmel, which was a continuation of a "school of the prophets" begun
by Elijah, Elisha, Samuel, and ultimately Melchizedek (254-109). The Essenes
are not mentioned in the Bible. Yet Several occult gospels confirmed that
Jesus had been a member of the Essenes and the Great White Brotherhood.
The notion that Jesus
had spent his "lost years" wandering Asia by no means originated with
Cayce. Its first proponent seems to have been the Russian war correspondent
Nicholas Notovitch (1858-c. 1916), who
describes his travels in British India in work entitled La Vie Inconnue de
Jesus-Christ (The Unknown Life of Jesus Christ), published in 1894. But as
we pointed out early on is seen to
be a fraud. Continue in Edgar Cayce's Secret, Part 15.
127. Herbert Puryear.
"Why the ARE Is Not a Cult" (reprinting a
July 1982 article in ARE News).
128. Harmon Bro
in Charisma of the Seer, p. 164 reports that for
earlier Cayceans, this was not the case--not only was
Cayce not interested in discovering parallels but "by and large his
followers were not either, except as grounds for drawing the attention of
others to them-selves and their message."
129. For example,
articles have been written comparing the teachings of Cayce to those of Blavatsky (Kirk Nelson. "The fifth root
race" in Venture Inward 10 no. 5. Sept./Oct. 1994. p.42
ff, also Violet M. Shelley. "What about Theosophy" in Venture
Inward 2 no. 6. Nov./Dec. 1986. p. 48 ff.), Steiner (Richard H.
Drummond, "Reflections on Rudolf Steiner" in Venture Inward
7 no. 3, May/June 1991, p. 20: Eleanor Amidon, "Karma: Cayce and
Steiner compared" in Venture Inward 7 no. 4. July/Aug.
1991, p.2 1). The Aquarian Gospel (Robert M. Grant, "The
nature of Jesus' miracles-a comparison" in The New
Millennium Inc. 1. Aug./Sept. 1996, p. 25 ff.). Spiritualism
("Early prophecies of earth changes and Atlantis" in Venture
Inward 12 no. 1, Jan./Feb. 1996, p. 16 ff.), and several having to do
with alternative medicine.
130. "Trustee
nominations due by June 14."in Venture Inward II No. 2 (March/April
1995) p. 6.
131. From the ANI
prospectus
132. See A. Robert
Smith, "The Great Pyramid reveals her age" in Venture
Inward 2 no. 3, May/June 1986,p. 12 ff.: also A. Robert
Smith interviewing Mark Lehner, "The search for Ra Ta" In Venture
Inward I no. 3. Jan./Feb. 1985, p. 6 ff.; continued in vol. I no. 4,
March/April 1985; response by Richard H. Drummond et al.. "The
search for Ra Ta: Truth is a growing thing." vol. I no. 5. May/June 1985.
133. See Kevin J. Todeschi. "Earth changes: Changing the planet or
changing us?" in Venture Inward 10 no. 3. May/June 1994,
p. 16: also W.H. Church, "The Hallaliel
question" in Venture Inward 8 no. 3. May/June 1992, p.
32. also, John Peterson. "Earth changes An alternative view," p. 20
of the same issue. The "four excuses" are: ( 1) such events can be
averted by turning to righteousness, (2) they are symbolic of inner
transformation: (3) these readings were dictated by entities such as Hallaliel and are therefore untrustworthy: (4) Cayce
accurately foresaw the events but not the dates. Thurston ( 1981: 22 ff.)
answers that if (4) 'is true. then why did Cayce give specific dates" As
for (2), Thurston protests that there is no evidence that Cayce meant these
readings to be symbolic, let alone for what the symbols are held to mean: and
wonders whether
Cayceans would be willing to apply the same approach to
Cayce's teachings on reincarnation.
Christ, ESP or the
medical readings, (1) is the same excuse the UFO cultists offer (actually
the Sanandra group) in When Prophecy Fails. Thurston
does not discuss (3).
134. For the
Christian issue, see Timothy H. Wright, et al. "Is the
ARE too cautious or too Christian?" in Venture Inward 4 no.
5. Sept./Oct. 1988,p 44, ff.. responding to D.D. Delaney. "is the ARE too
cautious?". letter to the editor of vol. 4 no. 3. May/ June 1988. For the
Jewish issue, see Sandy Koi, "The real truth is one", in Venture
Inward 3 no. 2 (March/April 1987): also Rhonda J. Miller, "For
Jewish members: the dilemma of the Christ-oriented readings," in Venture
Inward 2 no. 6 (Nov.[Dec. 1986). p. 13 ff.
135. Dale Beyerstein,
"Edgar Cayce: The 'Prophet' Who 'Slept' His Way To the Top."
136. 1991, Member
Survey indicates that out of 1.948 respondents, 9,1 % had borrowed books from
the ARE library in the previous two years. Only a fraction of these are likely
to represent skeptical literature.
137. "Research:
Our Common Purpose," in Venture Inward II no. 4,
(July/Aug. 1995), pp. 5-6.
138. The Meridian
Institute consists of Douglas Richards (an Atlantic University professor who
writes on electric medicine). Eric Mein (a physician who writes on Cayce's
medical readings). John van Auken (an ARE executive
with an 'interest in the chakras and kundalini). David McMillan (who writes on
Cayce's medical readings), and Carl Nelson (a chiropractor). As its name
suggests, the Institute is dedicated to discovering medical applications using
vital energy within the human body.
139. Robert J. Grant,
"Median research focuses on epilepsy, appliances," Venture
Inward II no. 4 (July/Aug. 1995). p. 11.
140. John O.A.
Pagano. Healing Psoriasis: The Natural Alternative.
141. William McGarey, Edgar Cayce and the Palma Christi.
142. A. Robert
Smith, About MyFather's Business, p. 249.
143. Ibid., p. 244.
144. Ibid., p. 250.
145. A. Robert Smith,
"The Great Pyramid reveals her age," in Venture Inward 2
no. 3 (May/June 1986), p. 12 ff.
146. This debate has
been conducted mostly through the pages of KMT magazine. which is the
Egyptological equivalent of Biblical Archaeology Review (i.e.
a scholarly magazine for interested laypeople). See Robert M. Schoch,
"Redating the Great Sphinx of Giza": James Harrell, "The Sphinx
Controversy: Another Look At the Geological Evidence", and Mark Lehner,
"Notes & Photographs On the West-Schoch Sphinx Hypothesis," The
"West" in Lehner's title refers to John Anthony West, who belongs to
the same general school of Egyptology as Schoch, Hancock, and Bauval.
147. e.g. in Mark
Thurston, The Great Teachings of Edgar Cayce, after p.
153.
148. Harmon
Bro, Why Edgar Cayce Was Not a Psychic, p. 35.
149. According
to the 1991 Member Survey, at 1.948 respondents 6,2% have contacted an
"ARE health care professional" in their area.
For updates click hompage here