By Eric Vandenbroeck and co-workers
Iran's supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, in his secret
hideout these days, knows he is now a marked man. He will not be sitting on his
veranda anytime soon. When discussing what the United States might do next to
help the protesters in Iran, US President Trump has mentioned Qassem Soleimani and Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.
The former, Iran's
all-important military strategist in the Middle East, was killed on 3 January
2020 in a drone strike just outside Baghdad's international airport on the
president's order. The latter, who was the leader of IS, killed himself and two
children by detonating a suicide vest on 27 October 2019 when US forces raided
his hideout in northern Syria after the approval of the president.
But Ayatollah
Khamenei also has the fate of the Hezbollah leader, Hassan Nasrallah, to
consider. He was killed on 27 September 2024 in an Israeli air raid while
60 feet underground beneath a high-rise residential building in Beirut, where
he was meeting his top lieutenants.
By 2012, the
government had established the Supreme Council of Cyberspace and begun planning
for a fragmented, domestic internet. Over time, authorities started to refine
their internet shutdowns – blocking services such as Facebook, Twitter, and
Google during the 2012 protests, but leaving other economically valuable
services running. But there is no crack in the IRCC so far. And the majority of
people go on with their lives as usual.
I (Eric Vandenbroeck)
was in Iran myself, but I got out after I heard rumors that the clerical regime
was preparing to topple the Shah and take over the reins of the country.
But life is
going on in Iran underneath, although with less to spend than before, you still
see people walking around in the bazaars as they digest what happened there a
day ago.

Meanwhile US Troops are checking in:

When thousands of US Delta Forces & Elite Troops
arrive in the Middle East:

The kidnapping of President Nicholas Maduro in
Venezuela recently, in a daring commando-style raid by US forces in Caracas,
can't be far from the Ayatollah's mind.
But it is not clear
what impact the removal of the Iranian leader would have on the future of the
protests that have been going on in Iran, or indeed on the future of the
Islamic Republic. If indeed he's removed from power.

A hated figure for Iranians
The 86-year-old
Ayatollah Khamenei has been a hated figure for most Iranians.
For years, protesters
up and down the country have been calling for his downfall. He has been a
terrible leader for the country. His regime has been among the most repressive
in the world.
During his 36-year
rule in the name of Islam, he has pursued relentless anti-American and
anti-Western policies, while relying on Russia and China for survival. He
pursued a half-baked nuclear policy that has brought the country the
second-heaviest international sanctions in history after Russia, making the
country poorer and struggling.
His attempts to
project power in the Middle East set the region on fire. His calls for the
destruction of Israel have led to wars with Israel.

Qassem Soleimani (centre) was killed in a US strike.

President Trump is now weighing up his options. So,
where does this leave the Supreme Leader and his regime?


Ayatollah Khamenei,
who is 86, has shown no signs that he wants to step down of his own accord.
In recent protests,
Ayatollah Khamenei gave the green light to the security forces to massacre
protesters.
Internet shutdowns in
Iran make it difficult to have a clear view of the extent of the bloodbath, but
thousands were killed by the security forces, not only in towns and cities but
also in villages, which is indicative of the extent of the protests.
His removal, either
through surgical strikes or a commando raid, would certainly force a change at
the top of the regime, perhaps opening the path to changes in policies and in
the direction the country may take.
Who or what would
replace him is unclear. Chaos and lawlessness may follow. But more likely, the
Revolutionary Guard would try to fill the vacuum and establish military rule.

At least 2,615 people
have been killed in the recent protests, according to the US-based Iranian
Human Rights Activists News Agency
Some in the regime
could even welcome the removal of Ayatollah Khamenei from the equation, says
Arash Azizi, lecturer at Yale University and author of What Iranians Want.
"A significant
section of the ruling elite in Iran is ready to make some changes. Do away with
Khamenei. Do away with some of the core policies and the core institutions of
the Islamic Republic.
"So they might
even welcome US attacks as an opportunity to accelerate that process."

'There are the rulers and the ruled.'
The current speaker
of the Iranian parliament, Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf, 64, is a member of the
Revolutionary Guard with an authoritarian streak. He has discarded his uniform
for civilian clothes. He has been vocal in support of the regime.
But Ayatollah
Khamenei never trusted him fully. Regime insiders suspected him of being a wolf
in sheep's clothing, waiting in the wings for the right moment.
It is also possible
that relatively moderate figures in the regime could jostle their way to the
top.
Former President Hassan Rouhani comes to mind. He has
been positioning himself as a serious candidate for the moderate Islamists and
the reformists in the event of the passing of the leader.
Ali Ansari, founding
director of the Institute of Iranian Studies at the University of St Andrews,
believes that reformists are largely irrelevant.
"Basically,
reformists don't really exist... They're there as a sort of pastiche, cosmetic,
whatever. They've been completely marginalised.
"There are
basically the rulers and the ruled."

Reza Pahlavi is 65 and
has been living in exile in the US for most of his life.
But the name that
many people in the streets of Iranian towns and cities have been shouting is
that of the son of the former Shah of Iran, Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi, who is
65 and has been living in exile in Washington for most of his life.
In recent years, Reza
Pahlavi has grown in popularity inside Iran, where many look to the Shah's era,
particularly the 1970s, with nostalgia. It was an era when Iranians were among
the most well-off nations, as long as they did not talk politics.
But Reza Pahlavi is by
no means a unifying figure. In fact, many argue he has been divisive. Failing
to unite the Iranian opposition abroad under one banner, he has opted to go it
alone, claiming that the nation is behind him.

And even if he were
the sole leader Iranians were craving for inside the country, it is not hard to
see that he is in an impossible position to take over. He has no organisational base in Iran to rely on to arrange his
ascent to power.
Many argue that his
surprising popularity inside Iran during recent protests stems from the fact
that many protesters saw him as the only contender for power standing against a
detested regime.
These protesters may
prefer someone who has absolutely no connection with the regime and who wants
better relations with the West.
"Right now,
there's very little that will accommodate the protesters because these protests
are about something bigger," says Dr Sanam Vakil, director of the Middle
East and North Africa Programme at Chatham House.
"It's about
completely transforming Iranian governance away from the individuals and the
system that have been in place for almost five decades now."

His removal, either through surgical strikes or a
commando raid, would force a change at the top of the regime
But having a lot of
time to himself in the bunker, Ayatollah Khamenei may be reviewing in his mind
what has been going on in the past three weeks and how he got here.
He may take
satisfaction from the fact that the regime has so far remained loyal to him.
There are no signs of significant dissent or disloyalty in the Revolutionary
Guard, which was created to safeguard the regime in the first place.
President Trump's
words have given the impression that possible US attacks on the bases of the
Revolutionary Guard and other security forces may weaken and fracture them, and
give space to the protesters to come out in even bigger numbers to topple the regime.
He has instigated
protesters to continue to speak out and occupy government buildings. "Help
is on its way," he said.

Trump has discussed what the United States might do to
help the protesters in Iran.
Protesters who have
largely withdrawn from the streets in the face of the frightening willingness
of the security forces to shoot to kill may be encouraged by President Trump's
instigation and come out again.
Certainly, many of
them now believe that they need foreign intervention if they are going to be
able to put an end to the regime.
But even if help is
not on its way, Iranians know that they will come out again sooner or later,
having learned a few lessons from the most recent spate of protests.
Ploughing on with an iron fist
In the past 16 years,
Iranians have come out to protest Ayatollah Khamenei several times.
The last round was in
2022 after the death of a young woman, Mahsa
Amini, while she was held in police custody for not wearing her hijab
properly.

A wave of protests
ensued throughout the country under the banner of "Woman, Life,
Freedom," which went on for several weeks and was eventually put down by
sheer force and brutality meted out by the security forces.
Back then, it was the
pressure on women from Islamists that brought people out on the streets; many
thought enough was enough.

The protests this
time have been about the economy and about bread. Traders can't function with
the falling value of the currency, the rial. Many others cannot make ends meet.
Poverty is spreading fast under international sanctions and, perhaps more importantly,
under mismanagement.
At the same time, Iran
is facing shortages of water, electricity, and, importantly, gas - while
sitting on the second-largest reserves of natural gas in the world. Neglect has
led to catastrophic environmental degradation that may last forever.
The Supreme Leader
has agreed that traders and shopkeepers, who started to protest late last
month, had a genuine grievance. They had said the constantly falling value of
the currency had made it impossible for them to do business.
The Ayatollah has
said that the country's officials are trying to sort the problem. But he also
said that the problem was created by the enemies.
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