By Eric Vandenbroeck and co-workers
US President Donald
Trump has repeatedly said he prefers to make a deal with Iran
over going to war. But what’s not clear is what type of deal he is willing
to accept – or what compromises the Iranians are willing to make.
At the time of
writing, the two sides agreed to negotiate and meet in Turkey on Friday, 6
December. US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff and Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas
Araqchi will meet in Istanbul, along with representatives from Saudi Arabia and
Egypt, Reuters reported.
Common sense suggests
that the more maximalist Trump’s demands are, the less likely Tehran will
concede. In this case, military confrontation therefore becomes more likely. On
the other hand, the more flexible Trump is, the more likely Tehran will cooperate
and as a result, war becomes less likely.
So, what exactly is
Trump asking for?
Iran’s nuclear program
In May of last year,
Trump said he would accept nothing less than the ‘total dismantlement’ of Iran’s nuclear programme.
Last week, however, he said ‘NO
NUCLEAR WEAPONS.’ But
those are two very different things.
Every American
president since George W. Bush has warned Iran against acquiring the bomb. If
that is what Trump is seeking, then Tehran will happily bargain, lie, and
conceal – as it always has – to avoid facing a far superior US military
machine. It might give up its highly enriched nuclear material, but in return,
keep its program intact, essentially buying itself time until Trump leaves
power so it can resume enrichment.
But if Trump insists
on Iran terminating all of its nuclear program, then Tehran most probably will
not agree. This is not only because it has put in a lot of effort, time, and
money into building its nuclear program.
It’s also because,
for Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, it will look like surrendering to the
Americans, whom he views (just like his predecessor Khomeini did) as the ‘Great
Satan.’ If it comes down to it, Khamenei might decide to take his chances by
fighting (and hope Trump doesn’t finish off the regime, given his aversion to
open-ended wars) rather than signing a capitulation agreement with his
arch-enemy.

Missile arsenal and protests
The nuclear program
is not the only important issue at play. Iran’s missile arsenal and its
regional militia network will also likely feature in negotiations. And there
are also the freedom aspirations of the Iranian people, especially in the light
of the regime’s recent crackdown on protests.
At first, Trump
seemed to show care for the protesters, threatening to bomb Iran if the regime
didn’t stop killing them. But now, his focus seems to have shifted. That
shouldn’t be shocking, though. The harsh reality is that human rights in Iran
have not been the priority for Trump or any American president before him when
dealing with the Islamic Republic. The priority has always been security.
On Iran’s missiles,
about which Israel and the Gulf Arab states worry a lot, it’s even more
complicated than the nuclear program. It’s doubtful, if not inconceivable, that
Iran will give up the only shield that’s preventing its adversaries from
toppling its regime.
The bargaining
range for the nuclear program is wider than for the missiles, on
which Khamenei and his generals are unlikely to make any concessions. Similar
to his logic on totally giving up the nuclear program, Khamenei might as well
use those missiles in a war for survival instead of giving them up, and thus
making Iran especially vulnerable to future attacks.

Regional proxies
The biggest space for
bargaining, perhaps, is on Tehran’s regional proxies. Those actors – the
Lebanese Hezbollah, the Yemeni Houthis, the Iraqi militias, and the Palestinian
Hamas and Islamic Jihad – are important tools for Iran to project power. But unlike
the missiles and the nuclear program, they’re not existential issues over which
Tehran can’t negotiate.
If Iran can avoid a
war with the US by abandoning (or pretending to abandon) some or all of its
regional allies, it might just consider it. Plus, the Iranians know it will be
incredibly difficult for the US to monitor and enforce such an agreement constantly.
Tehran has vast experience in smuggling weapons and cash to regional militias.
Will Iran concede?
Trump has deployed a
massive amount of firepower in the region, seemingly to force Iran to make a
deal with some serious concessions. Secretary of State Marco Rubio is right:
the Islamic Republic is at its weakest point since its birth in 1979, so for Washington, this
is the perfect time to make strong demands.
But if Iran doesn’t
budge, then the worst thing Trump can do is launch a symbolic or limited strike
(or none at all), settle for a disadvantageous or ambiguous deal, and claim
some kind of diplomatic victory. That would absolutely torpedo US credibility and
embolden the regime like never before.
At this point, given
what Trump has asked for, what he has threatened, and what he has dispatched to
the region in terms of combat power, the only acceptable outcome for Washington
is an advantageous deal, reached peacefully or through military strikes, that
verifiably and permanently ends Iran’s path to nuclear weapons, limits its
missile arsenal, and terminates its links with proxies.
Would that honor the
hopes and dreams of the Iranian people? No. Washington, like regional powers,
except Israel, prefers a weakened regime in Tehran over the chaos of a regime
collapse that will have great repercussions across the region.
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