In conjunction with
the development of Freikörperkultur of the time and
the foundation of such organizations as the Verein für
Körperkultur in 1901, dance in the form of bodily
exercise constituted a main part of the larger counter-cultural movement of
"Erneuerung des Menschen an Leib
und Seele." (Gabriele Klein, FrauenKörperTanz
, Berlin, 1992, 140).
Thus modern dance
appealed to the lay people as a form of recreational exercise. The This
participatory aspect of Ausdruckstanz crystallized in
the development of group dances. For Laban
"chorischer Tanz" was an expression of "gemeinschaftlichen Bewegungsimpulses." (Ferdinand.Tönnies, Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft:
Grundbegriffe der reinen Soziologie, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1979).
Parallel to the
development of group dance in Ausdruckstanz, festival
productions were al ready a major part of the theater
reform at the beginning of the 20th century, in reaction against the bourgeois
theater with its strict separation between the andience
and the performers. For example, in Hellerau, where Wigman was training under Dalcroze,
innovative use of theater space and staging of large-scale group choreographies
were already in practice. The institute that was built by Heinrich Tessenow functioned both as a school and as a "Festspielhaus". In July 1912, Dalcroze,
together with theater refonner Adolphe Appia and the painter Alexander von Salzmann, who worked on
the stage lighting of the large hall, staged Gluck's opera "Orpheus and
Eurydice". It was such an aesthetic innovation that it became an
international event where many renown artists and intellectuals, such as Hugo
von Hofmannsthal, Sergei Diaghilew, Vaslav Nijinsky, Anna Pawlowa, G.
B. Shaw, Sergei Rachmaninoff and Max Reinhardt, gathered.The
Festspielhaus, did not have anything that separated
the stage from the audience; it was one large, rectangular room with the
accommodation capacity of about 300 people. It did not have any separation
between the podium, the stage and the audience seal There was no proscenium archor raised stage or an orchestra pit either. Also for
the stage setting, they avoided decorative effect and used movable steps to
create different kinds of settings and objects, such as the stairs to the
underground for Orpheus. The walls and the ceiling were covered with white,
transparent cloths, creating a unique lighting that was hannonious
with the atmosphere of the music. As Salzmann commented:
"instead of a lighted space, we have a light-producing space" (Yvonne
Hardt, Politische Körper: Ausdruckstanz, Choreographien des Protests und die
Arbeiterkulturbewegung in der Weimarer Republik, LIT Verlag, 2004).
By 1930, Wigman, who, in previous years, was vehemently arguing for
the individualism of Ausdruckstanz, choreographed Totenmal, consisting of a "speaking" choir and a
"movement" choir (a separation previously common to R.Steiner's Eurythmy, German: "Eurythmie"). This kind of Sprechchor
was also popularly employed in the proletarian mass theater - both communist
and socialist – in the Weimar Republic that allowed the participation of lay
people and "represent a collective voice for the proletariat."
(Timothy Kevin Donahue-Bombosch, Building the Nation:
Fascist Mass Spectacle as Worker Culture. Dissertation, Stanford University,
1997).
According to Wigman, Tanzorchester was
different from an Instrumentalorchester in music
because each dancer could participate in producing the work with his-her
own "Stimme." Originally, "speaking
choirs" were adopted by the Socialists as an effective form of mass
culture that could also function as an aesthetic medium of political expression
for workers. Speaking choir was important not only for its use on theater
stages but also for the possibility to physically experience the utopian ideal
of Gemeinschaft that was the political basis for the workers' solidarity. In
fact, speaking choir, together with other Festspiele,
Arbeiterfeiern and Turnfeiern
that were often organized by SPD, was one of the few forms of practices that
was rooted in the workers' movement and developed into a legitimate genre of
"performance." In this sense the above where not a ‘fascist’
aesthetic but its lack of clear message. The reviewer for the Völkischer Beobachter, an organ of the Nazi party,
interpreted the production as a straightforward support for pacifism.(See also
Peter Gay. Weimar Culture: The Outsider as Insider, New York, 2001).
By the end of the
1920’s the Weimar Republic was close to its breakdown. The German economy,
which was already extremely shaky with the exponentially growing unemployment
rate, came to a complete breakdown following the Wall Street stock market crash
and global Great Depression. Politically, 1930 then was marked by demagogy and
violence culminating in the September election where the Nazis won their first
big victory. Formally, the aesthetic of group dance that Laban developed as
part of modern dance was not specifically confined to worker' s movement or to
the National Socialist' s body politics, but it responded to all of them.
Though Wigman might have been successful enough to be able to be
commissioned for the next year's Olympic opening ceremony, it was also to be
her last dance commissioned by the Nazis. The ambiguity of the meaning of
"successful compromise" is equally represented in the case of Laban.
He was commissioned to choreograph a "dedicatory act" entitled Vom Tauwind und der neuen Freude for the opening of the
Dietrich Eckart-Theater on the night of the Olympic opening
ceremony. A sketch of the choreography had been presented and approved by
the Propaganda Ministry in 1935 as a "masterpiece" due to the
inclusion of "German movement choirs and dance choruses from aIl the districts of the Reich". However, things
suddenly changed in June 1936 after Goebbels attended its rehearsal, who wrote
in his diary on 21 June, 1936, that the dance was "too
intellectual" (Lilian Karina and Marion Kant, Marion. Hitler's Dancers.
German Modern Dance and the Third Reich Trans. by Jonathan Steinberg, New York,
1996).
By June 1937,
Goebbels gave a clear definition of "good" dance: "Dance must be
cheerful and show beautiful female bodies. It has nothing to do with
philosophy."
In February 1938,
Laban left Germany and settled in England where he spent the rest of his life
teaching dance. Wigman performed only solo dances in
private until the WWII was over. But at least one student of Mary Wigman’s style Martha Graham; became famous in the USA, and
initially also used group dances reminiscent of corps de
ballet, which originally has the function of replacing the chorus in an
opera, takes over the center piece of the performance. In fact, with the development
of modem group dances, the movement dynamic within the group becomes the
material of the dance performance itself.
Most successful
under the Nazi’s became Leni Riefenstahl, who in "Filmtanz"
an early precursor dance in film. Before Riefenstahl made her films under the Nazi
regime, she was an actress in Arnold Fanck's mountain
films, popular during the twenties and early thirties.
Throughout her
career, Mary Wigman insisted that her choreographies
differed from other popular forms of body culture, such as rhythmic gymnastics,
which she considered to be mere 'dilettantism' expressionist-modernism was the
only dance that qualified as true art. Because it had a social agenda; it would
show mankind to a better future. It is interesting to compare Wigman's to another critic of in this case rhythmic
gymnastics, Siegfried Kracauer, who, in "The
Mass Ornament", criticizes it precisely for the opposite reason: for not
being 'superficial' enough. The debate over the cultural value of dance and
choreography more generally an be summarized by
comparing the two opposing positions: whereas Wigman
snubs rhythmic gymnastics and dismisses it for its lack of aesthetic value, Kracauer praises it-precisely for its overt entertainment
value. It is interesting to consider that Kracauer
would have seen the modern dancers of his time (who were all more or less part
of the culture of rhythmic gymnastics) as being hopeless victims of modernity.
The dancers thought of themselves as being at the forefront of the time,
'practicing' social criticism. Mary Wigman certainly
did not intend it with any sense of irony when she talked about how dance, as
'life', was the aesthetic medium for the humanity of the future. In fact, as we
have seen, Wigman's desire to secure her status as a
"modemist" led her to constantly overload
her dance with meanings until it became a pseudo-religion for Wigman. (See Terri J. Gordon, Fascism and the Female Form:
Performance Art in the Third Reich Journal of the History of Sexuality - Volume
11, Number 1 and 2, January/April 2002, pp. 164-200).
For Kracauer then, it was the very 'seriousness' of the dancers
that seemed to undermine their art. If only they could be 'light' about it and
treat it for what it was rhythmic motion, social entertainment, health practice
etc. - then what would have seemed like cultural 'crudeness' would have
inversely functioned as their cultural criticism. However modem dance
does not fit into the conventional understanding of "modemism"
as a pure aesthetic category. Modem dance developed in response to the social
ideal to develop a new lifestyle, a new form of life, in reaction to what was
perceived to be a overly mechanized modem society. It
developed as a response to concrete social problems, such as modem physical
ailments, deficiencies in education system and problems of worker's health.
Thus, it had a clear social agenda and 'content' from the beginning and its
goal was to revive dynamic human relationships by teaching people how to
"naturally" express themselves through their bodies. If this was indeed
the case, then we would need to revise our categories of modemism.
Instead of considering it as an 'inferior' and 'frivolous’offshoot
of the traditional hierarchy of the arts, it should be placed at the center of
it, as an attempt to change the very structure of society (idem Fascism and the
Female Form).
After all, dance
inspired and worked with every aesthetic innovation in modernity, from film and
literature to painting and theater. Theater producers were working together
with modem dancers, artists were painting dancers at work, writers were
visiting dance performances and film directors were borrowing the discourse of
dance to explain their new medium. Seen in this light, it does not do justice
to see modemism as a monolithic category for one sphere
of culture. In fact ‘modernism’should be understood
more generally as an aesthetic innovation that aimed to improve society by
achieving a new lifestyle. In the case of ‘modernity’ however as we will se next in the case of Mary Wigman,
there also seems to be then something about art that moves doser
to 'politics' and something about politics that relies on 'art'.
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