Pakistan Unveiled
For an overview of Pakistan enter here:
Introduction: In 1941 Abul Ala Mawdudi
(also spelled Maududi or Maudoodi)
founded the Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) redefined in 1947 to support an Islamic State in Pakistan.
Following a standoff between the Russian British
Armies, Afghanistan's frontier with British India was drawn by Sir Mortimer
Durand, in 1893 and was accepted by representatives of both governments.
Recognizing Afghanistan as a buffer between the two empires saved the Russians
and the British from having to confront each other militarily. The border,
named the Durand Line, intentionally divided Pashtun tribes living in the area
in order to prevent them from becoming a nuisance for the Raj. On their side of
the frontier, the British created autonomous tribal agencies, controlled by
British political officers with the help of tribal chieftains whose loyalty was
ensured through regular subsidies. Continue P.1:
A good example of a displaced family is General
Musharraf, who lived in New Delhi until the age of four when his mother
suddenly had to leave with her three children. She later recalled in an
interview with the New Yorker: " We fled for our lives. We took the last
train out of Delhi. The train passed through entire neighborhoods that had been
set to the torch. Bodies were lying along the rail tracks. There was so much
blood. Blood and chaos were everywhere." Continue
P.2:
Similar to the Hindu Nationalists of the BJP Party
(the Governement untill
late 2004) in India, also Pakistan's production of a national
past required significant processes of forgetting-in this case, of
regional value and regional history-offers some ways to think about territory,
history, and ethnic belonging. Continue P.3:
In Pakistan’s early years there were clear camps of
intellectuals who had competing claims linked to various ideological positions
that impressed upon the state and the populace the legitimacy of one set of
ideas over others. Among them were writers associated with the All-Pakistan
Progressive Writers Association (APPWA) and closely affiliated with the newly
formed Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP). Other groups were not as organized
and consisted of a range of free thinkers, modernist poets and independent-minded
intellectuals, along with those who sought to link the question of Pakistan
with Islamic morals and values. While APPWA had names like Hamid Akhtar, Faiz Ahmed Faiz, Sibte Hasan, Ibrahim Jalees, Abdullah Malik, Ahmad Nadeem Qasmi and Sajad Zaheer under its banner, the
“non-progressives” consisted, among others, of Ahmad Ali, Hasan Askari, Sadat
Hasan Manto, Mumtaz Mufti, Akhtar Hussein Raipuri, N.M. Rashid, M.D. Taseer
and Mumtaz Shirin. The latter group was intellectually eclectic and divided and
many had also been previously close to the progressives.Two
strands of intellectual ferment clearly stood out in these early discussions.
One was the importance of linking Islam to Pakistani culture. The other was the
place of Urdu in this new cultural space where a majority of its inhabitants
did not use it as their first language. Hence the following case
study offers a first glimpse of of the debates
about the question of Pakistan’s future culture at the moment of its own
inception as an independent state.
With the case of Indonesia, India, and Pakistan, however, language as the
central subject of historical inquiry remained underexplored to date, yet
by acknowledging the produced nature of the national language, it allows us to
better explain the otherwise puzzling persistence of attachment to more
regional or local languages that one might have expected to fall into desuetude
if nationalist enthusiasm were in fact the result of (rather than the precondition
for) widespread monolingualism, print-capitalism, industrialization, the Mamlukization of society, and the emergence of a stable
national space-time subscribed to by citizen-subjects. If these historical
experiences of India, Indonesia and Pakistan alone (one-quarter of the world's
population) do not offer a sufficiently convincing rationale for reconsidering
the theoretical linkage of language and nationalism, consider this: Even a
cursory look at the history of France points to a much weaker causal link
between language and national consciousness than has been presupposed by key
theories of nationalism. Continue P.4:
Who Made
Pakistan? P.5: The Militarization of Pakistan
To understand the politics of S.Asia
however one has to understand that in many cases names mattered more than the
things they were actually meant to designate. P.6 India’s Backlash:
Bangladesh’s Islamism has similarities with its
counterparts in Muslim majority countries like Algeria, Egypt, Pakistan and
Indonesia as West Pakistan. All of them had gone through secular national
socialism and autocracies under civil/military rulers before turning Islamic during
the last decade and a half. Continue P.7:
A Pakistani soldier mans a military outpost in Pakistan’s South Waziristan
tribal area near the Afghan border.
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