By Eric Vandenbroeck and co-workers

Taiwan's new leader

KMT Legislator Cheng Li-wun (鄭麗文) has emerged as a surprise contender for the party’s leadership, vowing reconciliation with China ahead of the Oct. 18 chairperson election.

The 55-year-old politician, once a member of the rival DPP, has gained momentum against more established figures in the party. Her criticism of President Lai Ching-te (賴清德) and calls for cross-strait reconciliation have drawn attention from supporters and skeptics alike.

“We do not just passively hope to avoid being sacrificed,” she said at the Taiwan Foreign Correspondents’ Club. “We actively aspire to play a positive role and become peacemakers.”

Cheng accused Lai of leaning too heavily on the US as a counterweight to China. “We must not become a sacrifice or Trump’s bargaining chip,” she said, warning that tying Taiwan’s future too closely to Washington would make it vulnerable.

Uniquely among 20th-century Chinese leaders, Sun Yat-sen is revered in both Taiwan, where he is officially the ("Father of the Nation") and in the People's Republic of China (where he is officially the forerunner of the Revolution) for his instrumental role in ending Qing rule and overseeing the conclusion of the Chinese dynastic system.

The ‘Provisional Constitution’ written by Sun Yat-sen’s allies immediately after the revolution and approved by the freshly-installed president, Yuan Shikai, on 11 March 1912, set out in relatively precise detail what it believed the territory of the Republic should be.

In effect, it said that the new state inherited the boundaries of the Qing Great State as they stood when the revolution broke out. Article 3 stated, ' The territory of the Chinese Republic consists of 22 provinces, Inner and Outer Mongolia, and Tibet.’ The choice of ‘22’ provinces was highly significant since Taiwan was the twenty-third. Given that the constitution text was still laying claim to Outer Mongolia, despite its declaration of independence three months earlier, Tibet, despite the ongoing insurrection there, and Xinjiang, despite its de facto independence at the time, this seems to be clear proof that the Republic had formally abandoned any claim to Taiwan.

Cheng Li-wun's stance builds on the KMT’s so-called “1992 Consensus,” a disputed understanding with Beijing that both sides belong to “one China,” albeit with different interpretations. Cheng called it a necessary foundation but argued it was not enough and must be developed into a more comprehensive peace framework.

She faced stiff competition from former Taipei Mayor Hau Lung-bin (郝龍斌), as well as lawmaker Lo Chih-chiang (羅智強), ex-Changhua County Magistrate Cho Po-yuan (卓伯源), former National Assembly member Tsai Chih-hung (蔡志宏), and Sun Yat-sen School President Chang Ya-chung (張亞中).

The party chair plays a pivotal role. The winner will not only lead the KMT in the legislature but also influence Taiwan’s approach to an increasingly hostile Beijing.

Cheng’s rise has unsettled Taiwan’s political establishment. While Hau hesitated over whether to enter the race, she was already canvassing for support, appearing on talk shows, and mobilizing on social media. One poll among KMT members has ranked her as the leading candidate, with senior military officials backing her.

Born in 1969, Cheng studied law in Taiwan and later at Temple University in the US, before earning a master’s degree in international relations at Cambridge. She once denounced the KMT dictatorship as “ruthless and utterly cruel” while a member of the DPP. Later, she joined the KMT in 2005 and went on to serve as lawmaker, cabinet spokesperson, and deputy secretary-general of the party.

Her fiery rhetoric has become a hallmark of her campaign. She has branded Lai’s policies as “Taiwan independence fascism” and promised to crush his agenda, while also insisting that Taiwan cannot afford Lai’s plans to lift the defense budget above 3% of GDP.

“Such a defense budget is too high and unreasonable,” she argued, warning that it would fuel an arms race and turn Taiwan into “an ATM for the US.”

The debate over defense spending has sharpened foreign scrutiny of the KMT. Jan Paternotte, a senior Dutch lawmaker who visited Taipei last year, said he valued dialogue with the KMT but urged the party to support deterrence measures.

“Deterrence is credible and important,” he said, stressing that Taiwan must demonstrate unity in the face of China’s threats.

Some analysts say Cheng embodies the KMT’s need for renewal after three consecutive presidential election defeats. “KMT supporters truly hope to see a victory in 2028. Cheng represents the KMT’s change and aspirations,” said former National Security Council Deputy Secretary General Yang Yung-ming (楊永明).

However, others caution that her pro-China rhetoric could echo the polarizing era of Hung Hsiu-chu (洪秀柱), the former KMT chair whose candidacy was replaced in 2016 for being seen as too close to Beijing. Hau, by contrast, is seen as a figure of continuity, though critics say his long absence from frontline politics makes him less dynamic.

The leadership race highlights two versions of the KMT: one projecting change through a fiery outsider, the other leaning on an older establishment brand. With the vote looming, the outcome could reshape not only the party but also Taiwan’s approach to the region’s most pressing security challenge.

The KMT traditionally espouses close relations with China, and speaking at party headquarters in Taipei, Cheng said the KMT under her leadership would be a "creator of regional peace."

"The KMT will make our home the strongest shelter for everyone against life's storms. Because we will safeguard peace across the Taiwan Strait," she said.

The 55-year-old politician, once a member of the rival DPP, has gained momentum against more established figures in the party. Her criticism of President Lai Ching-te (賴清德) and calls for cross-strait reconciliation have drawn attention from supporters and skeptics alike.

“We do not just passively hope to avoid being sacrificed,” she said at the Taiwan Foreign Correspondents’ Club. “We actively aspire to play a positive role and become peacemakers.”

Cheng accused Lai of leaning too heavily on the US as a counterweight to China. “We must not become a sacrifice or Trump’s bargaining chip,” she said, warning that tying Taiwan’s future too closely to Washington would make it vulnerable.

Her stance builds on the KMT’s so-called “1992 Consensus,” a disputed understanding with Beijing that both sides belong to “one China,” albeit with different interpretations. Cheng called it a necessary foundation but argued it was not enough and must be developed into a more comprehensive peace framework.

She faces stiff competition from former Taipei Mayor Hau Lung-bin (郝龍斌), as well as lawmaker Lo Chih-chiang (羅智強), ex-Changhua County Magistrate Cho Po-yuan (卓伯源), former National Assembly member Tsai Chih-hung (蔡志宏), and Sun Yat-sen School President Chang Ya-chung (張亞中).

The party chair is a pivotal role. The winner will not only lead the KMT in the legislature but also influence Taiwan’s approach to an increasingly hostile Beijing.

Cheng’s rise has unsettled Taiwan’s political establishment. While Hau hesitated over whether to enter the race, she was already canvassing for support, appearing on talk shows, and mobilizing on social media. One poll among KMT members has ranked her as the leading candidate, with senior military officials backing her.

Born in 1969, Cheng studied law in Taiwan and later at Temple University in the US, before earning a master’s degree in international relations at Cambridge. She once denounced the KMT dictatorship as “ruthless and utterly cruel” while a member of the DPP. Later, she joined the KMT in 2005 and went on to serve as a lawmaker, cabinet spokesperson, and deputy secretary-general of the party.

Her fiery rhetoric has become a hallmark of her campaign. She has branded Lai’s policies as “Taiwan independence fascism” and promised to crush his agenda, while also insisting that Taiwan cannot afford Lai’s plans to lift the defense budget above 3% of GDP.

“Such a defense budget is too high and unreasonable,” she argued, warning that it would fuel an arms race and turn Taiwan into “an ATM for the US.”

“Deterrence is credible and important,” he said, stressing that Taiwan must demonstrate unity in the face of China’s threats.

Some analysts say Cheng embodies the KMT’s need for renewal after three consecutive presidential election defeats. “KMT supporters truly hope to see a victory in 2028. Cheng represents the KMT’s change and aspirations,” said former National Security Council Deputy Secretary General Yang Yung-ming (楊永明).

However, others caution that her pro-China rhetoric could echo the polarizing era of Hung Hsiu-chu (洪秀柱), the former KMT chair whose candidacy was replaced in 2016 for being seen as too close to Beijing. Hau, by contrast, is seen as a figure of continuity, though critics say his long absence from frontline politics makes him less dynamic.

The leadership race highlights two versions of the KMT: one projecting change through a fiery outsider, the other leaning on an older establishment brand. With the vote looming, the outcome could reshape not only the party but also Taiwan’s approach to the region’s most pressing security challenge.

 

 

For updates click hompage here