By Eric Vandenbroeck and co-workers
How Shanghai’s ‘Future of Finance’ Fell
Apart
On a blustery October
day, the remaining fragments of what was once Shanghai’s hottest bar and restaurant
are being liquidated. The champagne glasses cost Rmb28 ($4), waistcoats hang
from a Rmb1,500 lime-green screen, and a framed poster from the 1930s leans
against the wall.
M on the Bund closed
its doors for the last time in February 2022, amid China’s Zero-Covid policy.
By the time its contents were finally sold off last month, they had already
become relics of another era.
For more than two
decades, the restaurant had been the regular haunt of business people,
financiers, and visiting delegations to a booming city of over 20mn people. But
if they were to visit Shanghai now, “they wouldn’t believe it’s the same
place,” says Michelle Garnaut, the Australian restaurateur who founded the
venue in 1999.
More than 15 years
after China pledged to turn Shanghai into an international financial center,
the port city has failed to live up to its early promise.
Once positioned as
the frontier of China’s gradual incorporation into a global economic system,
its recent exceptionalism is today overshadowed by a growing rift between
Beijing and Washington.
In a city of shipping
routes and Western concessions, where the distinctive trees that line its
avenues were initially introduced from Europe, an inward shift across Chinese
politics that accelerated during the pandemic has shaken Shanghai’s
international identity.
A beneficiary of
decades of economic growth since the country opened up in 1979, the city is the
world’s biggest container port and a base for many foreign companies. But it
now sits uneasily amid a new era of trade protectionism and mutual suspicion
across the Pacific and is increasingly disconnected from international finance.
American law firms,
once participants in huge cross-border financial flows, have left the city as
foreign investment plummets. No Western bank has participated in a single IPO
on Shanghai’s stock market this year, and, in a domestically-focused market,
the need for foreign staff is increasingly unclear. Asset management firms that
flocked to the city in the hope of a loosening of China’s capital controls,
must reckon with the prospect that Beijing will tighten them instead.
For Xi Jinping’s
government, this is not necessarily a problem. A critique of finance that arose
after the global crisis of 2008 has gained salience domestically, especially
after a 2015 stock market crash and anti-pandemic measures that reasserted the
dominance of the state. Beijing is now prioritizing an internationalism based
on exporting infrastructure and green technology that echoes its domestic
model, in which Shanghai plays a role.
Many of the world’s
leading foreign financial firms maintain at least a nominal presence in
Shanghai, hoping for one of the many U-turns that have characterized its
history. But, like the colonial-era banks and counting houses that neighboured the out-of-business M on the Bund, they risk
being reduced to a facade.
Oasis of Free Markets
In the early 20th
century, Republican-era Shanghai was, for some, an oasis of free markets. On
the Bund, the waterfront mirrors the architecture of London or New York — a
legacy of British, French, and American concessions established in the 19th
century, carved out of the Chinese government’s sovereignty.
A century later,
after decades of closure, market forces seemed to be in the ascendancy once
again. In spring 2009, Beijing’s state council, the country’s top
decision-making body, set an ambitious target: Shanghai would become an
international financial center by 2020.
Even if the term was
not strictly defined, it signaled a wider opening-up and came a year after the
Beijing Olympics had alerted the world to China’s economic miracle. The goal of
becoming an international financial hub is “highly desirable” not only for the
city but for China more broadly, the Brookings Institution wrote in 2011. But
it also noted the disappointments of Tokyo and Frankfurt, which had once held
similar ambitions, and the importance of the rule of law. Shanghai was “on
track” to meet its target, the American Chamber of Commerce said a year later
in 2012.
I got excited, and I
kept telling all the young people, the future of finance is Shanghai,” recalls
Han Shen Lin, formerly deputy general manager for Wells Fargo bank in China and
now China Country Director for The Asia Group, a US consultancy. At that time,
“everyone thought China would succeed in loosening its capital controls,” he
adds, a reference to the government’s practice of tightly controlling the flow
of money in either direction across its borders.
The project, he adds,
also hinged on the free movement of information and people — both of which were
tightly controlled in China.
A view of the Pudong financial district
For Shanghai, the
target was a clear opportunity. The city in 2012 pioneered the so-called
Qualified Domestic Limited Partner (QDLP) scheme, one of several similarly
titled policies that, behind their abstruse names, hinted at further
liberalization. The scheme, which was soon copied by other cities, allowed
approved asset managers to take money — initially $300mn in total — from
mainland clients and invest it overseas.
One Chinese asset
manager for a foreign firm, who spoke on condition of anonymity, says
Shanghai’s plan reflected its “unique position in the political structure” of
China. Its party secretary, currently Chen Jining, also serves on China’s
24-person Politburo in Beijing.
The city was
“privileged to try new policies”, the person says, and dozens of foreign asset
managers set up in the city as a result, hoping that they would one day benefit
from China’s internationalization.
The scheme was just
one of several, including the so-called Stock Connect link between the Shanghai
and Hong Kong stock exchanges, that appeared to be allowing more money to leave
the country in a highly controlled way.
In 2020, although the
international target was largely forgotten in the furor of the COVID-19
pandemic, new relaxations subsequently encouraged more investment from the
likes of Goldman Sachs, Amundi, and BlackRock.
But since then, a
sense of a deeper shift in China’s approach has taken hold. Foreign asset
managers, like foreign banks, have struggled to gain traction. Shanghai’s QDLP
quota, which requires firms to gain approval from regulators, has remained
unchanged since 2020 and at $10bn is only twice its 2015 size.
A stock index in the
Pudong district of Shanghai. More than 15 years after China pledged to turn the
city into an international financial center, it has failed to live up to its
early promise
The Shanghai
government said that SAFE, China’s foreign exchange regulator, had repeatedly
supported the expansion of Shanghai’s QDLP quota and cited participation from
firms such as BlackRock and UBS.
It added that
Shanghai had “basically established” itself as an international financial
center by 2020, that international firms continued to expand in the city, and
that financial reform and opening up would “never stop”.
In the freewheeling
markets of Republican China, foreign banks provided “wealthy officials and
merchants with the ideal place in which to deposit and hide their funds from
the government” which was unstable at the time.
The weight of this
legacy was still felt many years later. Even as it appeared to be opening up to
them, China maintained extreme regulatory caution over the role of foreign
financial institutions on its soil. It nonetheless encouraged them to enter the
country as part of an ethos of learning from international practices dating
from the 1980s.
Shanghai regulators
did not allow a company to use the renminbi for three years. The rule,
introduced in 2006, was designed to limit foreign competition and remained in
place until 2019.
This while
the expected potential client base was largely early-stage venture-backed
technology companies and the only currency they use is renminbi.
China’s economic
growth has been on a slowing trend and may not reach the official target this
year.
Source: Haver Analytics; IMF • 2024 annual growth =
IMF forecast
Foreign financial
businesses, often referred to in the 2000s as the “coming wolf”, have long
operated under a tacit understanding that such issues would balance against
eventual gains. In 2020 and 2021, Beijing allowed foreign firms to take full
ownership of their businesses, encouraging new investment.
Geopolitical tensions
with the US have not only threatened to reverse an earlier convergence but also
undermined the flow of data as well as people. “Even a confidential [meeting]
with SOE [state-owned enterprises] heads one-on-one, is hard to get nowadays,”
says a senior executive from one Asian investment bank, who spoke on condition
of anonymity.
The domestic
financial industry has also fallen out of favor, with widespread pay cuts and a
focus on the “real economy”. “Many financiers now feel a sense of shame about
their profession,” the banker says, adding that Shanghai is “drifting further
away from its goal of becoming a global financial hub. But publicly, you must
uphold the official slogan.”
Meanwhile, as
economic momentum weakens in China, with the government under pressure to meet
a 5 percent GDP target, financial benefits from a presence on the mainland are
less clear-cut. Across 88 foreign-owned enterprises in asset management, Z-Ben
Advisors estimates that a return on invested capital has been limited for most
“if not all” of them and that “self-sustainability is largely out of the
question”. “Cash burn is, therefore, a recurring and widespread problem,” the
consultancy noted in September.
Against the backdrop
of a domestic model that takes a different perspective on both finance and the
outer world, Shanghai’s identity has already shifted.
The Pandemic
The pandemic, in
which the Chinese government imposed three years of lockdowns, intensified a
sense of distance from the wider world.
After a Covid-19
outbreak in Shanghai in the spring of 2022, local authorities initially
responded with a degree of flexibility, before imposing a strict two-month
lockdown. Widely seen as orchestrated by Beijing, it came to embody the
newly-restated dominance of the capital over the city’s relative freedom to
innovate, as it had with the QDLP scheme.
Shanghai endured a strict two-month lockdown in 2022
after a Covid-19 outbreak.
As a result,
Shanghai’s expat population plummeted. One estimate attributed to a think-tank
in the city puts the foreign population at 72,000 at the end of 2023, compared
to over 200,000 in 2018
Some believe
Shanghai’s decline can be reversed. Despite their struggle for
profitability, Z-Ben Advisors notes that there have been few exits from
asset managers. Alexander points to “the expectation that this might turn
around and ‘we want to make sure we stay there and don’t leave’.
The sale of items
from M on the Bund. For more than two decades, the restaurant was the regular
haunt of business people and financiers in a booming city of over 20mn people
Given China’s
capacity for sudden changes, others see Shanghai as a countervailing force to a
wider shift inwards.
Elsewhere, some
policies capture the attention of those still banking on opening up, such as a
new swap connect program between Shanghai and Hong Kong, launched in 2023 and
part of reforms to growing derivatives markets.
Given its vast size
and domestic importance, multinationals across a range of sectors have a major
presence in and close to Shanghai, providing some default business for their
compatriot financial institutions, even if a disappointing economy has strained
business activity and geopolitical tensions have weighed on new investment.
Tesla has its biggest factory in Shanghai, and over half of the Fortune 500
appeared at an annual import fair this month.
Even Apple is facing
an uphill battle to release its own artificial intelligence models for iPhones
and other products in China, with a top Beijing official warning that foreign
companies will confront a “difficult and long process” to win approval unless
they partner with local groups.
Apple chief Tim Cook
arrived in China on Monday for his third visit of the year as the company tries
to navigate the country’s complex regulatory regime and bring its Apple
Intelligence to devices sold in the country.
Apple’s sales in
China have faltered amid a top-down campaign to cut iPhone usage among Chinese
state employees and a nationalist backlash over thorny US-China relations.
The return of
national champion Huawei, which has already integrated its generative AI
offerings into its latest devices, poses another threat.
Apple's CEO Tim
Cook has visited China three times this year:
China is Apple’s most
important market outside the US, contributing 17 percent of revenue in the year
ending in September. But sales in the country were down 8 percent from the
prior year.
For updates click hompage here