By Eric Vandenbroeck and co-workers
Israel From A Singaporean Perspective
Had the diplomat
resorted to some form of hedging, given the fact that relations with Russia matter
to Singapore far more than Singapore’s relations with Ukraine, I wouldn’t have
been surprised. But instead, the diplomat replied (and I’m paraphrasing),
“We’re entirely behind Ukraine in this war. We’re a small country, and we
depend on the rules-based order. It doesn’t matter how we feel about Ukraine or
Russia, frankly—if we want to uphold the rules-based order in one place, we’ve
got to do it everywhere.”
It was a brave position, which mirrored his prime minister’s stance, and it
was one I hadn’t necessarily counted on.
I’ve considered that
perspective over the past few months because it is one that I find quite
convincing. Singapore’s nonaligned and principled position is different than
that of other nonaligned states, such as India or South Africa. But there’s an
overriding view here: As full of holes as it is, the rules-based order is the
best model we’ve come up with, civilizationally, to reduce widespread
war and conflict.
But already in
February 2022, it was awkward, to say the least, to advocate for it in much of
the so-called global south—especially within the wider Arab world and the
Middle East. I remember meeting during that same spring with a senior European
diplomat who was genuinely shocked that much of the Arab world seemed immune to
arguments from the West that Arabs ought to support Ukraine against a violent
invasion and occupation.
I had to remind him:
When Arabs hear “invasion” and “occupation,” the words “Iraq” and “Palestine”
spring to mind.
That was in 2022. Two
years on, it’s not simply more difficult to argue for a rules-based order in
the global south—it’s almost impossible. When Russia invaded Ukraine, the world
saw a non-Western power violating the rules-based order that the West claims to
uphold as universally important.
As Israel continues
its bombardment of Gaza—killing large numbers of civilians using U.S.-supplied
weapons; restricting humanitarian aid even amid famine-like conditions; and
standing in the dock at the International Court of Justice facing
allegations that are so serious, 15 out of 17 judges found it
plausible that the
Palestinians’ right to to not be subjected to genocide could be threatened—the
rest of the world perceives a violation of the rules-based order that is
arguably much worse than Russia’s violations.
That’s because Israel
is part of the Western bloc and is also defended by the most powerful elements
of the Western bloc—in particular, the country that most frequently claims to
be the defender of the world’s rules-based order: the United States.
Singaporeans’ views
on the Israel-Hamas current war in Gaza’ are relevant, just as they are with
Ukraine. After all, it’s a country that has long-standing ties to
Israel—especially its security sector. Indeed, Singapore built up its defense capacity with help from Israel, starting very soon after Singapore gained
independence. Trade between the two countries reportedly crossed exceeded $1 billion
in 2022, and Singapore upgraded its diplomatic presence soon thereafter, by
establishing a full ambassadorship and embassy in Tel Aviv that year.
A Turn of Events?
By the end of March
Singaporean Vivian Balakrishnan said, “We need to tell our Israeli friends when we have a
divergence.” The Minister for Foreign Affairs made his remarks during a 10-day
visit to the Middle East.
Balakrishnan
described his discussions with Israel’s leadership as “candid, frank, sometimes
even brutal.” He told Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu that from Singapore’s
perspective, the military response in Gaza had “gone too far.”
Singapore’s foreign
minister also offered words of support. He condemned the October 7 attack by
Hamas as a “flagrant, heinous act of terror” and called for the immediate
release of hostages.
Treading the middle
ground on the Israel-Palestine conflict is familiar territory for the island
nation. Singapore’s friendship with Israel, dating back to the mid-1960s, has
long been a bone of contention with Malaysia and Indonesia. Singapore’s Muslim-majority
neighbors have kept Israel at arm’s length and do not maintain a diplomatic
presence in Tel Aviv.
The “special
relationship” with Israel started as a defense partnership. In 1965, newly independent
Singapore had only two infantry battalions and no air force. Founding Prime
Minister Lee Kuan Yew reached out to Israel, another small nation forced to
build a military from scratch. The Singapore army is based on the Israeli model
of a conscription-based military that can mobilize citizens at short
notice.
“As a
newly-independent state with limited resources other than our people and sheer
grit to rely on, Singapore needed Israel’s help to build up our armed
forces,” wrote Winston Choo, a former army chief who later
served as non-resident ambassador to Israel.
Singapore did not
initially acknowledge the military collaboration as the Israel-Palestine
conflict was a sensitive topic for Southeast Asian Muslims. Details of Israel’s
covert involvement surfaced three decades later when Lee Kuan Yew published his
1998 memoir, “The Singapore Story.”
Over the last
decade, trade between the two countries has flourished and
reportedly crossed $1 billion in 2022. Singapore reached another milestone that
year by upgrading its diplomatic presence in Tel Aviv from an
honorary consulate to an embassy with a resident ambassador.
When Ian Mak
presented his credentials to President Isaac Herzog on December 19, an Israeli
diplomat described the occasion as “history in the making.” But
the ambassador’s handshake with Israel’s president as the military operation was underway in Gaza, created an awkward
photo op for Singapore.
In a
parliamentary debate, Singapore’s foreign minister called the timing of
the diplomatic appointment “fortuitous or ‘unfortuitous,’ depending on your
point of view.” But he urged legislators to refocus their attention on the
domestic front because “foreign policy begins at home.” Balakrishnan warned
that polarization along religious lines posed an existential threat to
Singapore’s multicultural society “in the heart of Southeast Asia.”
Prime Minister Lee Hsien
Loong has also adopted a more neutral stance on the Middle East after the
October 7 attack. Speaking at a People’s Action Party convention last November,
he reminded the audience that the Israel-Palestine
conflict is “not our quarrel.”
Singapore’s
leadership is increasingly leaning into the phrase “friend to all and an enemy to none.”
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