By Eric Vandenbroeck and co-workers
As we have been able
to see, the advent of Salafi-Jihadism has altered the nature and employment of some
SAs in five key areas in a way that allows a distinction between the existence
of two ideal-type patterns of SAs, a traditional pattern of localized SAs, and
the predominant, contemporary pattern of globalized SAs. The five areas of
divergence are the types of conflicts in which SAs are used; the types of
groups employing SAs; the geographic scope of these actors; their target
definition; and the types of goals that actors pursue. The onset of SAs tied to
Salafi-Jihadism has altered the nature and employment of SAs in fundamental
ways. The implication of these changes is that we may now distinguish between
two general patterns of SAs, localized and globalized attacks. The overwhelming
majority of Sas since 1981 have occurred in relatively localized settings.
Localized suicide attacks tend to have several characteristics:
a) Conflict type:
SAs have traditionally occurred in the context of a relatively localized
conflict that is identified as such by two belligerent parties. Examples of
these conflicts are those between Israel and Hizballah, Israelis and the
Palestinians, Tamils and Sinhalese, and Turks and Kurds. These conflicts have
generally raged for many years, and often decades, and are oftentimes
long-standing conflicts between groups of a different ethnic background and/or
religion.
b) Ideology:
SAs that abide by the traditional pattern have been planned and executed by
groups that have been both religious in character, but also by groups who are
primarily driven by secular, Marxist, ethno-nationalist, or nationalist
motives. Religion alone is therefore unable to account for the genesis of the
traditional pattern of SAs. Examples of religious groups that have employed
localized pattern SAs include Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), and Hizballah.Examples of groups that are secular or
nationalist in character include the LTTE, the PFLP,Fatah-Al
Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, the PKK, and the Syrian Socialist Nationalist Party
(SSNP).
c) Geographic
scope of actors: Traditionally, most SAs have been planned and executed by
subnational terrorist or insurgent actors such as Hizballah, the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), Hamas, PIJ, or the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK).
Palestinian organizations employing SAs, for example, have largely conducted
the operational planning of suicide missions locally, although they may have
been receptive to the strategic message and direction of an exile leadership.
The subnational nature of these groups that execute this pattern of SAs implies
that these organizations have recruited and trained suicide bombers mostly in
or near the conflict area proper, and rarely abroad. Unlike modern suicide
bombers, who oftentimes migrate to blow themselves up in a foreign country,
‘traditional’ suicide bombers appear to be largely residents of the area of
conflict. Most recruits of the PKK, for example, stem from large, poor families
residing in Turkey. In the case of attacks by Palestinian organizations, over 99%
of the bombers between 1993 and 2005 have been residents of the area of
conflict, the West Bank, Gaza, and Israel proper. As far as the LTTE is
concerned, LTTE experts believe that it is unlikely that the group has drawn
Black Tiger recruits from outside Sri Lanka since they are chosen from within
the existing ranks of the regular LTTE army, where motivation to serve is high.
According to Stephen Hopgood, for example, “the emphasis on commitment to the
cause both for regular cadres and Black Tigers makes non-Sri Lankan or Indian
Tamil recruits highly unlikely. The LTTE seems to have no recruitment problems
for Black Tigers, so looking outside would only be necessary if some ethnic or
linguistic feature of the operative's identity was necessary to accomplish the
mission.
d) Targets:
Hamas, LTTE, PKK, and Hizballah, groups that have conducted localized SAs, have
mostly targeted people and assets of the enemy state in the conflict area
proper, or in close proximity thereof, while by and large refraining from
targeting assets of their foes in other locations. The PKK, for instance, has
conducted all of its SAs in Turkey. Hamas and other Palestinian organizations
have never executed a SA against Israeli or Jewish targets outside of Israel,
the West Bank, and Gaza. Hizballah’s SAs against Israel were staged mostly
against Israel Defense Forces troops inside Lebanon, with the exception of two
suicide attacks on Israeli and Jewish targets in Argentina for which the group
has declined to take official responsibility.The LTTE
has staged the vast majority of its estimated 200 attacks in Sri Lanka proper,
a notable exception being the killing of Indian prime minister Rajiv Ghandi in
the Indian city of Madras in May 1991. We are unaware of additional SAs carried
out by the LTTE outside of Sri Lanka. In fact the LTTE is very careful to make
it clear its target is the Sri Lankan state, and its collaborators, rather than
all Sri Lankans. It is conscious of its public image and escalating to attack
on foreign soil would be counterproductive both to legitimacy and diaspora
fundraising.
e) Goals: The
subnational terrorist or insurgent movements that characterize localized
patterns of SAs generally aim to advance limited and well-defined political
goals for the community it purports to represent. Such political goals may
include an end to foreign occupation or military presence, increased regional
autonomy, and self-determination. The struggle for an independent homeland,
whether it is Tamil Eelam, Kurdistan, or Palestine, lies at the center of the
conflicts in the course of which SAs have traditionally been adopted.The localized pattern of suicide missions described
above contrasts sharply with a different general pattern of globalized SAs
epitomized by Al Qaeda and its affiliates. The globalized pattern of SAs bears
a number of distinct characteristics:
a) Conflict type:
The new pattern of globalized SAs may occur in the context of clearly
identifiable conflicts such as Iraq, but those conflicts may not necessarily be
historical and/or long-standing. SAs in Iraq, for example, occurred less than a
week following the beginning of the U.S. led invasion of Iraq in March 2003,
hardly long enough to produce the types of deepseated
grievances that have presumably affected Palestinian, Tamil, or Kurdish suicide
bombers in localized contexts. Neither are the targets of many of today’s
globalized SAs always aware that they are involved in a conflict with a bitter
enemy who seeks their death along with its own. Unlike traditional SAs,
globalized SAs frequently occur in areas that, by any objective standards, are
not identified by all parties as zones of conflict. The 9/11 attacks, for
instance, did not take place in a region where a large ethnic group is vying
for an independent state while battling an occupation army. The same is true
for the SAs at Khobar Towers in June 1996; the
U.S. embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania in August 1998; the attack on the
USS Cole in October 2000; as well as other examples of globalized SAs in Djerba
(April 2002), Bali (October 2002 and October 2005), Mombasa (November 2002),
Saudi Arabia (May 2003), Casablanca (May 2003), Istanbul (November 2003),
London (July 2005), and Amman (November 2005), to cite a few examples.
b) Ideology:
Whereas traditionally, SAs have been perpetrated by both religious and secular
groups, the new globalized SAs are overwhelmingly planned and executed by
Salafi-Jihadist groups, as has been demonstrated earlier.
c) Geographic
scope of actors: Unlike localized SAs, which are executed mainly by
subnational actors, many of today’s globalized SAs are planned and executed by
cells and groups that are connected to a transnational terrorist or insurgent
network or movement. The transnational nature of the groups that execute this
pattern of SAs implies that the planning of the SA and its execution may occur
in entirely separate places. Whereas localized SAs are generally planned in or
near the area of conflict, where these attacks are also executed, globalized
attacks may be planned in one country, and executed in another. This is true,
for example, for the 9/11 attacks, which were not planned in Washington and New
York; the April 2002 attack on a synagogue in Djerba, which was planned in
Pakistan; or the November 2005 attacks on three hotels in Amman, Jordan, which
were planned by a cell affiliated with Abu Musab al-Zarqawi in Iraq.Additionally, unlike in the localized pattern,
organizations conducting globalized SAs no longer tend to recruit and train the
suicide bombers in the region or country where the attack will eventually be
executed. Instead, the suicide attackers are increasingly implanted from other
countries. This is true, again, in the case of the 9/11 attacks, and especially
apparent in the high proportion of foreign jihadists, including suicide
bombers, in Iraq. According to a Department of Defense News Briefing with Col.
Sean MacFarland, Commander of the 1st Brigade Combat Team, 1st Armored Division
stationed in Ramadi, Iraq, “[foreign fighters] are very few in number, although
as far as we can tell, they constitute about 100 percent of the suicide
bombers.” ("Iraq Index: Tracking Variables of Reconstruction and Security
in Post-Saddam Iraq," ed. Michael O'Hanlon and Nina Kamp, Washington,
D.C.: Brookings Institution, 2006, 13 November 2006, 18.; see also comments by
Maj. Gen. Rick Lynch, who stated on December 1, 2005, that “at least 96% of
suicide bombers [in Iraq] are not Iraqis.” Chris Tomlinson, "Us General:
Suicide and Car Bomb Attacks Down in Iraq," Associated Press, 1 December
2005.)
The November 2005 bombings in Amman, for example, were executed by three
Iraqis, while many suicide bombers in Afghanistan appear to be non-Afghanis.
d) Targets:
Organizations and cells staging globalized SAs no longer limit their attacks to
an identifiable zone of conflict, as has been the case in traditional,
localized SAs. In fact, due in large part to the nature of Salafi-Jihadism,
which speaks on behalf of a worldwide community of Muslim believers, many of
today’s suicide attackers regard much of the world as a legitimate target.Hence, even though Al Qaeda has declared the United
States as its main enemy, it does not limit its SAs to the U.S. homeland.
Instead, it will strike U.S. interests wherever an opportunity may arise. In
addition, it may also strike targets of real or perceived allies of the United
States.
e) Goals: The
goals of the organizations that are responsible for the traditional pattern of
SAs are often extreme, Hamas, for instance, calls for the destruction of
Israel, but they nevertheless tend to be clearly pronounced, relatively well
defined, and geographically narrow in scope. The globalization of SAs, on the
other hand, is characterized by organizations whose goals are more elusive. It
is not entirely clear, for instance, whether the SAs in Amman in November 2005
were intended to punish the Hashemite monarchy for its pro-Western stance,
including its relations with Israel; to target foreign diplomats; to hurt
Israeli and Jewish interests in the kingdom; to create instability in the
kingdom and spark an anti-Hashemite backlash; or to extend the jihad in Iraq to
the broader Middle East. Similarly, Western analysts are often at odds over
what exactly Al Qaeda’s goals and motivations are, although there is an overall
consensus that Al Qaeda’s demands are maximalist.
Localized vs. Globalized Patterns of Suicide Attacks
As stated previously,
the two patterns described here, summarized in the Table above, are ideal
type descriptions. Most SAs will bear characteristics of both patterns, and
thus fall somewhere in between localized and globalized attacks.
Number
of Organizations per Year, 1996-2005 Percentage
of Attacks by Ideology, 1981-2005 Suicide Attacks by Ideology,
2000-2005 |
Number
of Countries Targeted, 1996-2005 Attacks by Pattern, 1981-2005 |
In the final chart on
the right, the dark column represents globalized suicide attacks, and is seen to
be steadily increasing over the last five years. Only attacks by ‘Unknown’
groups outnumber globalized suicide attacks in 2003, 2004, and 2005, but it is
again important to remember that 91% of the unknown attacks occurred in Iraq
and, due to their overwhelmingly Salafi-Jihadist nature, contain strong
characteristics of globalized SAs. Thus again, since 2003, globalized SAs have
become the dominant pattern of SAs. As argued before, the high lethality and
global spread of Salafi-Jihadism render this significant change in pattern of
SAs particularly important. And what can be established is that although
globalized SAs are rising compared to localized attacks, localized and
globalized SAs continue to coexist. Indeed, there is little reason to believe
that all localized groups will assume globalized characteristics. Adopting a
globalized stance may be harmful to a localized organization, particularly if
it decides to target third countries. Drawing the ire of third countries (such
as the United States) could be perceived as a potential existential threat to
the localized organization.
While some localized
groups can therefore be expected to remain localized, many other previously
localized groups have gone global, for example, by officially affiliating
themselves with Al Qaeda. The Algerian Salafist Group for the Call and Combat,
better known by its French acronym, GSPC, is a case in point. Around 2001, the
group began operating outside of Algeria by establishing a number of cells in
various European countries, after having been previously focused solely on
Algeria. On the second anniversary of 9/11 in September 2003, however, the
group made it clear that it now included the United States among its enemies.
And in 2006,Ayman al-Zawahiri announced the official merger of the GSPC with Al
Qaeda. (Kathryn Haahr, "Gspc Joins Al-Qaeda and
France Becomes Top Enemy," Terrorism Focus 3, no. 37, 26 September 2006).
Examples of such
previously localized groups who have, over time, become globalized, also
include the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (now known as the Islamic Movement
of Turkestan). Once focused mainly on Central Asia, the IMU now champions Al
Qaeda’s internationalist goals, including the establishment of an Islamic
caliphate. (Rabasa et al., Beyond Al-Qaeda, Part I , xii, 22.)
The same trajectory from the local to the global
applies to the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (LIFG). Formerly focused on Libya,
the LIFG has substantial ties to Al Qaeda. LIFG member Abu Anas al-Libi, for
example, was a key planner of the U.S. embassy bombings in Kenya. According to
the State Department, non-Libyan members of LIFG are also suspected of
involvement in the planning and facilitation of the May 2003 SAs in Casablanca.
(Gary Gambill, "The Libyan Islamic Fighting Group (Lifg),"
Terrorism Monitor 3, no. 6, 24 March 2005). Similarly, the Moroccan
Islamic Fighting Group (GICM), once dedicated merely to the creation of an
Islamist state in Morocco, now actively supports the objectives of Al Qaeda
against Western countries. Lashkar-e-Taybeh, a group
once solely dedicated to the ouster of Indian forces from Kashmir, recently
shifted its focus to Iraq. In one of the group’s publications, it calls on
jihadists to go to Iraq and take revenge for the torture at Abu Ghraib prison
and the alleged mistreatment of Iraqi Muslim women. “The Americans are
dishonoring our mothers and sisters … Therefore, jihad against America has now
become mandatory” read a notice on the LeT’s website.
(Daniel Benjamin and Gabriel Weimann, "What the Terrorists Have in
Mind," New York Times, 27 October 2004, 21.) Sipah-e-Sahaba
and its more militant offshoot, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi,
two radically anti-Shia Salafi-Jihadist terrorist outfits previously focused on
Kashmir as well, have increasingly adopted the goals of global jihad. Perhaps
the most well-known of groups to have turned from a local to a global outfit is
Jemaah Islamiyya (JI), an Indonesia-based group that
is bent on establishing an Islamic caliphate throughout all of South East Asia.
JI grew increasingly close to Al Qaeda after 9/11, when Al Qaeda began to
exploit local causes of groups like JI while imposing its globalized,
Salafi-Jihadist ideology on them.
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