By Eric Vandenbroeck
and co-workers
The State of the World
Central to that task is to discard the trivial and identify
the important. Since the noise in the global system rarely correlates to
long-term significance, the foundation of our method must be to extract the
essentials by focusing on the constraints imposed by reality. But that also
demands that we understand the moment because we live in the moment and must
accommodate it and because the shape of the world at the moment is the
beginning of a forecast. Grasping this moment and creating a map of the
important makes everything possible. In short, simplifying the world makes it
understandable.
At this moment, the
world pivots around the United States. It is the world’s largest economy and
most powerful military force and boasts the most powerful geographic position.
It faces no threat on land, and no nation with the naval capability to invade
it. It, therefore, faces no existential threat and has the greatest room for
maneuvering, plotting its course with fewer ramifications and easily recovering
from consequences when it faces them.
The world has three
other major forces: China, which is trying to emerge from centuries of external
and internal friction and is now confronted with the question of whether its
progress is sustainable; Russia, a one-time global power that seeks to recover
what it lost in the 1990s; and Europe, which is trying to piece itself back
together from the fragmentation that cost it its place atop the world order.
The only other potentially significant force is India, whose incomparably
factionalized landscape often prevents it from realizing its potential. There
are dozens of lesser powers, each sovereign to some extent, exploiting other
nations and each being exploited. They must be mapped and measured, too, as
they can often punch above their weight.
We can summarize the
world by translating the conflicts endemic to the major powers and how the
conflicts draw in lesser capacities. One conflict is Russia's attempt to regain
its strategic depth by forcing Ukraine to return to Russia. The other is the
conflict between China and the U.S., in which China seeks to control its
eastern waters, and the U.S. seeks to block it and thus retain its dominion
over the seas. Europe, the historical foundation of the global system, has been
at war with itself throughout its history and is now waging that war in ways
that are both complex and difficult to understand.
The first conflict began under the Russian assumption
that Ukraine would quickly be overrun – long before the United States could
bring its power to bear. As is known, Ukraine earlier had the world's
third-largest nuclear weapons stockpile. In exchange for giving it up, and as
stipulated in the Budapest Memorandum, Russia and the US agreed to
come to Ukraine's help if Ukraine was attacked, ironically by Russia itself. The
Memorandum also stated the following:
1. Respect the signatory's independence and sovereignty
in the existing borders.
2. Refrain from the threat or the use of force against
the signatory.
3. Refrain from economic coercion designed to subordinate
to their own interest the exercise by the signatory of the rights inherent in
its sovereignty and thus to secure advantages of any kind.
The failure to quickly defeat Ukraine has
significantly weakened the Russian military and hurt its economy. The question
most pertinent to our forecast is whether the existing Russian political system
can recover, assuming continued military failure and economic duress.
China
The second conflict
stems from China’s need for maritime access to trade. Exports are the
foundation of its economic growth and its best weapon against domestic unrest.
China’s imperative for access to the world’s oceans threatens America’s
interest in protecting itself by controlling the seas. The U.S. has just
completed building a cordon sanitaire from Japan to Australia, and India is
fighting a small war with China on land. Meanwhile, the U.S. has imposed
economic pressure that has weakened the Chinese economy and created a degree of
economic unrest.
Much of this is obvious,
of course, but the obvious is the beginning of understanding the world and
forecasting. The obvious minus the noise is the essence of geopolitical
reality. And grasping the simplest reality is the best waypoint to keep our
bearings in the world's complexities. You can’t permit the obvious to stand
alone, but you also can’t forget one core fact: that the United States, like
Britain or Rome before it, is the principal force shaping the world. The future
comes later.
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